Transcript of News X panel discussion of 22 February

Transcript submitted by a reader:

NewsX: 0:00
We continue this discussion with Gilbert Doctorow, Russian affairs expert located in Brussels; and also Keith Vaz, Chairman, Integration Foundation, located in London. I wanted to talk to you, Keith Vaz, about the European inclusion in peace talks. Zelensky has called for more European effort in ending this war. What’s your views? Is Europe doing enough?
0:30

Keith Vaz: 0:34
[beginning was cut] …to make sure that this happens. Remember it’s always been a joint venture. It’s always been the United States and the European Union and Britain, because we’re outside, working together in order to support Zelensky. What’s been very interesting is what’s been coming out of London. People like Boris Johnson, who one would think would be quite close to Trump and the Republican Party, coming out saying, “Zelensky is not a dictator, we need to support it, Trump is only saying this in order to get attention for this particular issue, and now we can move on.”

It was always going to work. You cannot have a discussion about Ukraine without Ukraine. Of course, Trump likes to deal on a much higher level and probably doesn’t rate Zelensky in terms of being a world leader. He wants to deal with Putin. His big photo call is definitely going to be handshaking with Putin in Riyadh or somewhere else like that.

1:35
That’s what he really wants. He is a news grabber, a headline grabber. So he had to include Zelensky, because this week both Kier Starmer and Emmanuel Macron are visiting the United States. They are both going to tell him that unless we work together, we are not going to achieve a long-lasting peace in the area. And that is why he simply cannot ignore Ukraine. Remember what he promised. He said “on day one of my election as president”, he was going to end the war in Ukraine. 30 days have now gone. Nothing really substantial has happened, so he needs to get going.

2:20
Zelensky has got to be included. The European Union has got to be included. You’re not going to get a peace unless all these people are involved. The UN resolution, by the way, is neither here nor there. As we all know, most UN resolutions are ignored. But it’s a kind of music thing more than anything else. At least they’re talking about the UN, which is good news as far as the world is concerned.

NewsX: 2:43
Yes, Gilbert Doctorow, could I just get your point of view on Trump flitting on his point of view that Ukraine started the war? What do you think of this?

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD:
Well, let’s not be distracted by that, because the news comes out of the White House and varies from day to day. I’m looking at the long-term position which is reflected in the negotiations that took place in Riyadh. And there, my fellow panelist is missing the big picture. He’s missing what diplomacy is about and how the solution to the Ukraine conflict– it’s now called the conflict in the latest UN resolution, not a war– can be found.

3:27
The resolution will come when there is trust between the parties. There can be no trust between the parties if they don’t have diplomatic relations. The fact is that the United States and Russia today have almost no diplomatic channels under which they can negotiate an end to the Ukraine conflict and a reestablishment of normal state-to-state relations.

Therefore, the meeting at Riyadh is indicative of the way out, and the way out has no room at this stage for European and Ukrainian participation, because the first stage is to reestablish the diplomatic tools to negotiate anything. That means restoring the US and Russian respective embassies to full functionality. They now are unfunctional, non-functional. There are no ambassadors. They have skeletal staff. The Russian embassy in the United States has no bank accounts that are workable to pay any employees. This is untenable.

4:32
And Mr. Zelensky’s view of this and my and Carlos’s view from the EU, von der Leyen, are totally irrelevant, as are the comments of my fellow panellist. First, you establish diplomatic relations.

MewsX: 4:46
Keith Vaz, could I get your response, please, to why that you believe that it’s so crucial for Ukraine and Europe to have a seat at these talks?

Vaz:
Well, just coming back to what Gilbert just said, Donald Trump doesn’t need ambassadors. He does not need diplomats. He’s the dealmaker. His foreign policy has always been very personal. It’s to do with chemistry. So although, of course, the functioning of embassies [matters], actually, he makes the deals himself. He is dying to go over to Riyadh to shake Putin’s hand, as he was with other leaders. So I don’t think that this infrastructure really matters to someone like Donald Trump. He is unique in the history of diplomacy. And I’ve been a foreign office minister covering Ukraine. Of course I know the importance of diplomats.

5:39
But Donald Trump just isn’t in this sphere, as far as these issues are concerned. I think at the end of the day he recognizes, because I think his language has toned down, I don’t think Zelensky was unduly critical by saying that the information getting to Trump was not a full set of information. Gilbert could be right, because he doesn’t have an ambassador. But as he takes most of his news from probably CNN and NewsX World, Trump is never going to have the absolute full picture of what’s happening on the ground.

But I think at the end of the day, you’ve got to have a solution that includes the European powers and Zelensky. History will judge very harshly any deal that is being done at that level that does not include Zelensky. And you have to do this. And it’s also a warning to other countries that maybe they should not do business with the United States, because at any single moment the United States could just pull back.

6:45
But of course I take Gilbert’s point: you need the infrastructure. But Trump is like no other president we’ve ever had before. He doesn’t need infrastructure. He just needs a telephone. He just needs an iPhone. That’s all he does. And suddenly, you know, people get a call. Today, Gilbert is a panelist on this program. Tomorrow, he’s probably going to be the ambassador, American ambassador to Russia. That’s how Trump works. We are living in a new age.

NewsX:
Gilbert Doctorow, do you think that we can trust, that Russia can trust Donald Trump in these talks in Saudi Arabia? What do you think the end result might be?

Doctorow:
Well just to go back to what my fellow panelists said, we are– at the end of the day these parties will take part. I agree [thoroughly], but we’re not at the end of the day; we’re at the beginning of the day. And until certain groundwork is done, it is senseless from the Russian standpoint to have a meeting with Donald Trump.

7:43
It is– nothing will be resolved by the two presidents if all of the spade work is not done, or to use a more common expression relating to summits, if the Sherpas have not done their job. There is a vast amount of work to do to prepare for that meeting, so that it goes well. The last time that we had this personal conduct of diplomacy without any infrastructure, it didn’t go so well. In fact, it set the stage for the drama that has been unfolding since February of 2022. I mean, the meeting between Gorbachev and the emissaries from George W. Bush and the agreement on a handshake that Europe, that NATO would not move one inch to the east. That didn’t go too well. That was not properly prepared. There was no documentation. There was nothing that countries that do not trust one another need, to have anything viable in the future.

8:48
It failed. It brought us to a war in Ukraine, because NATO violated every oral promise given. Therefore, the Russians will not agree to a handshake with Donald Trump, and with good reason. So that is a non-starter. The work will be done in advance and the delegation that Trump sent to Riyadh understood that perfectly.

NewsX: 9:11
Gilbert Doctorow and Keith Vaz, thank you very much for joining us on that discussion.

Translation below into Spanish (Chod Zom)

Transcripción de la mesa redonda de News X del 22 de febrero

Transcripción enviada por un lector:

NoticiasX: 0:00
Continuamos este debate con Gilbert Doctorow, experto en asuntos rusos con sede en Bruselas; y también con Keith Vaz, Presidente de la Fundación para la Integración, con sede en Londres. Quería hablar contigo, Keith Vaz, sobre la inclusión europea en las conversaciones de paz. Zelensky ha pedido un mayor esfuerzo europeo para poner fin a esta guerra. ¿Cuál es tu opinión? ¿Está haciendo Europa lo suficiente?

Keith Vaz: 0:34
[se cortó el comienzo] …para asegurarse de que esto ocurra. Recuerda que siempre ha sido una empresa conjunta. Siempre ha sido Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea y Gran Bretaña, porque estamos fuera, trabajando juntos para apoyar a Zelensky. Lo que ha sido muy interesante es lo que ha estado saliendo de Londres. Gente como Boris Johnson, que uno pensaría que debe estar bastante cercano a Trump y al Partido Republicano, saliendo a decir: «Zelensky no es un dictador, tenemos que apoyarlo, Trump sólo está diciendo esto para llamar la atención sobre este tema en particular, y ahora podemos seguir adelante».

Siempre iba a funcionar. No se puede hablar de Ucrania sin Ucrania. Por supuesto, a Trump le gusta tratar a un nivel mucho más alto y probablemente no considere a Zelensky como un líder mundial. Èl quiere tratar con Putin. La gran foto que busca es definitivamente un apretón de manos con Putin en Riad o en algún otro lugar por el estilo.

1:35
Eso es lo que realmente quiere. Es un acaparador de noticias, un acaparador de titulares. Así que tuvo que incluir a Zelensky, porque esta semana tanto Kier Starmer como Emmanuel Macron visitan Estados Unidos. Ambos van a decirle que, a menos que trabajemos juntos, no vamos a lograr una paz duradera en la zona. Y por eso que simplemente no puede ignorar a Ucrania. Recuerden lo que prometió. Dijo que «el primer día de mi elección como presidente» pondría fin a la guerra en Ucrania. Ya han pasado 30 días. No ha ocurrido nada realmente sustancial, así que tiene que ponerse en marcha.

2:20
Hay que incluir a Zelensky. Hay que incluir a la Unión Europea. No vas a conseguir la paz a menos que todas estas personas estén involucradas. La resolución de la ONU, por cierto, no viene al caso. Como todos sabemos, la mayoría de las resoluciones de la ONU son ignoradas. Pero es una especie de cosa musical más que otra cosa. Al menos hablan de la ONU, lo cual es una buena noticia en lo que respecta al mundo.

NewsX: 2:43
Sí, Gilbert Doctorow, ¿podría darme su punto de vista sobre la opinión de Trump de que Ucrania inició la guerra? ¿Qué opina al respecto?

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD:
Bueno, no nos distraigamos con eso, porque las noticias que llegan de la Casa Blanca varían de un día para otro. Yo estoy mirando la posición a largo plazo que se refleja en las negociaciones que tuvieron lugar en Riad. Y ahí, mi colega panelista se está perdiendo la visión de conjunto. Se está perdiendo lo que es la diplomacia y cómo la solución al conflicto de Ucrania se puede encontrar, que ahora se llama el conflicto en la última resolución de la ONU, y no una guerra.

3:27
La resolución llegará cuando haya confianza entre las partes. No puede haber confianza entre las partes si no tienen relaciones diplomáticas. El hecho es que Estados Unidos y Rusia no disponen hoy de casi ningún canal diplomático que les permita negociar el fin del conflicto ucraniano y el restablecimiento de unas relaciones normales de Estado a Estado.

Por lo tanto, la reunión de Riad es indicativa de una salida, y en esa salida no tiene cabida en este momento la participación europea y ucraniana, porque la primera etapa es restablecer las herramientas diplomáticas para negociar cualquier cosa. Eso significa restablecer la plena funcionalidad de las embajadas respectivas de Estados Unidos y Rusia. Ahora no funcionan, no funcionan. No hay embajadores. Tienen un personal esquelético. La embajada rusa en Estados Unidos no tiene cuentas bancarias viables para pagar a ningún empleado. Eso es insostenible.

4:32
Y la opinión del Sr. Zelensky al respecto y la mía y la de Carlos de la UE, von der Leyen, son totalmente irrelevantes, al igual que los comentarios de mi compañero panelista. Lo primero es establecer relaciones diplomáticas.

MewsX: 4:46
Keith Vaz, ¿podría responder por qué cree que es tan importante que Ucrania y Europa participen en estas conversaciones?

Vaz:
Bueno, volviendo a lo que Gilbert acaba de decir, Donald Trump no necesita embajadores. No necesita diplomáticos. Él es el que hace los tratos. Su política exterior siempre ha sido muy personal. Tiene que ver con la química. Así que, aunque, por supuesto, el funcionamiento de las embajadas [importa], en realidad, él mismo hace los tratos. Se muere por ir a Riad a estrechar la mano de Putin, como ha hecho con otros líderes. Así que no creo que esta infraestructura importe realmente a alguien como Donald Trump. Él es único en la historia de la diplomacia. Y yo he sido ministro de Asuntos Exteriores cubriendo Ucrania. Por supuesto que conozco la importancia de los diplomáticos.

5:39
Pero Donald Trump simplemente no está al tanto de esta esfera en lo que respecta a estas cuestiones. Creo que, al final del día, es consciente de ello, porque creo que su lenguaje se ha suavizado. En cualquier caso, no creo que Zelensky fuera indebidamente crítico al decir que la información que llegó a Trump no era un conjunto completo de información. Gilbert podría tener razón, porque no tiene embajador. Pero, como la mayor parte de las noticias que recibe probablemente proceden de CNN y NewsX World, Trump nunca va a tener una visión absolutamente completa de lo que está ocurriendo sobre el terreno.

Pero creo que, al final del día, tienes que tener una solución que incluya a las potencias europeas y a Zelensky. La historia juzgará muy duramente cualquier acuerdo que se haga a ese nivel y que no incluya a Zelensky. Y tienes que hacerlo. También es una advertencia a otros países para que no hagan negocios con Estados Unidos, porque en cualquier momento este podría echarse atrás.

6:45
Pero por supuesto que tomo el punto de Gilbert: se necesita la infraestructura. Pero Trump es como ningún otro presidente que hayamos tenido antes. No necesita infraestructuras. Sólo necesita un teléfono. Sólo necesita un iPhone. Eso es todo lo que hace. Y de repente, ya sabes, la gente recibe una llamada. Hoy, Gilbert es un panelista en este programa. Mañana, probablemente será el embajador, el embajador estadounidense en Rusia. Así es como funciona Trump. Estamos viviendo en una nueva era.

NewsX:
Gilbert Doctorow, ¿crees que podemos confiar, que Rusia pueda confiar en Donald Trump en estas conversaciones en Arabia Saudita? ¿Cuál cree que puede ser el resultado final?

Doctorow:
Bueno, volviendo a lo que han dicho mis colegas panelistas, al final estas partes participarán. Estoy de acuerdo [totalmente], pero no estamos al final del día; estamos al principio del día. Y hasta que no se hayan sentado ciertas bases, no tiene sentido, desde el punto de vista ruso, celebrar una reunión con Donald Trump.

7:43
De hecho, los dos presidentes no resolverán nada si no se ha hecho todo el trabajo de pala, o, para utilizar una expresión más común relacionada con las cumbres, si los sherpas no han hecho su trabajo. Hay mucho trabajo por hacer para preparar esa reunión y que salga bien. La última vez que tuvimos una gestión personal de la diplomacia sin ninguna infraestructura, no salió muy bien. De hecho, sentó las bases para el drama que se ha estado desarrollando desde febrero de 2022. Me refiero a la reunión entre Gorbachov y los emisarios de George W. Bush, y al acuerdo celebrado con un apretón de manos, de que Europa, es decir, la OTAN, no se movería ni una pulgada hacia el este. Eso no salió demasiado bien. No fue preparado adecuadamente. No había documentación. No había nada de lo que, unos países que no se fían los unos de los otros, necesitan para tener algo viable en el futuro.

8:48 h.
El proyecto fracasó. Nos llevó a una guerra en Ucrania porque la OTAN incumplió todas las promesas verbales realizadas. Por lo tanto, los rusos no acordarán con un apretón de manos con Donald Trump, y con buenas razones. Por lo tanto, es algo llamado a fracasar. El trabajo se hará por adelantado y la delegación que Trump evió a Riad lo entendió perfectamente.

NoticiasX: 9:11.
Gilbert Doctorow y Keith Vaz, muchas gracias a por acompañarnos en este debate.


News X (India) raises the game: panel discussions get serious

News X (India) raises the game:   panel discussions get serious

As readers of these pages know, a couple of weeks ago I was prepared to throw in the towel and accept no further requests to participate in on air panel discussions hosted by the relative newcomer to international English language broadcasting from India, News X. The reason was simple: the low level of participants whom they had scooped up so far. If I am outnumbered 3:1 by propagandists for the Kiev regime, that is bad enough. But if those propagandists are inexperienced or incapable debaters, the whole exercise is a waste of everyone’s time.

I stated my position to News X directly by phone.  One of their producers asked my forbearance, saying that they were busy trying to improve their programming, that they expect to host Prime Minister Modi to a special forum in March at which they officially launch their international service.

Indeed, the two News X shows of the past week which I joined were a big improvement in terms of the credibility and functionality of my debating opponent (singular). Regrettably, I did not receive from them the internet link to the first session. But here below is the link to the debate recorded yesterday with a very capable propagandist for the Keir Starmer view of the world, Keith Vaz, a former official in the British foreign office and present-day chair of the Integration Foundation, London.

You will note the condescending tone of Vaz in speaking of Trump, which totally ignores the coordinated and highly sophisticated actions of Team Trump in Riyadh (Rubio, Witkoff, Waltz), in Brussels (Pete Hegseth) and in Munich (J.D. Vance) over the past ten days.

I invite you to enjoy our exchange.

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

News X (Indien) hebt das Niveau: Podiumsdiskussionen werden ernst

Wie die Leser dieser Seiten wissen, war ich vor ein paar Wochen bereit, das Handtuch zu werfen und keine weiteren Anfragen zur Teilnahme an Podiumsdiskussionen zu akzeptieren, die vom relativen Newcomer im internationalen englischsprachigen Rundfunk aus Indien, News X, live übertragen werden. Der Grund war einfach: die geringe Anzahl der Teilnehmer, die sie bisher aufgetrieben hatten. Wenn ich Propagandisten des Kiewer Regimes gegenüberstehe, die mir zahlenmäßig 3:1 überlegen sind, ist das schon schlimm genug. Wenn diese Propagandisten jedoch unerfahrene oder unfähige Debattierer sind, ist die ganze Übung eine reine Zeitverschwendung für alle Beteiligten.

Ich habe News X direkt telefonisch meine Position mitgeteilt. Einer ihrer Produzenten bat mich um Nachsicht und sagte, dass sie damit beschäftigt seien, ihr Programm zu verbessern, und dass sie erwarten, Premierminister Modi im März zu einem Sonderforum einzuladen, auf dem sie offiziell ihren internationalen Dienst starten.

Tatsächlich waren die beiden News X-Sendungen der vergangenen Woche, an denen ich teilgenommen habe, eine große Verbesserung in Bezug auf die Glaubwürdigkeit und Funktionalität meines Debattiergegners (Einzahl). Leider habe ich von ihnen keinen Internetlink zur ersten Sitzung erhalten. Aber hier unten ist der Link zu der gestern aufgezeichneten Debatte mit einem sehr fähigen Propagandisten für die Weltsicht von Keir Starmer, Keith Vaz, einem ehemaligen Beamten im britischen Außenministerium und heutigen Vorsitzenden der Integration Foundation, London.

Sie werden den herablassenden Ton bemerken, in dem Vaz über Trump spricht, der die koordinierten und hochentwickelten Aktionen des Trump-Teams in Riad (Rubio, Witkoff, Waltz), in Brüssel (Pete Hegseth) und in München (J.D. Vance) in den letzten zehn Tagen völlig ignoriert.

Ich lade Sie ein, unseren Austausch zu genießen.

Transcript of ‘Judging Freedom’ 20 February edition

Transcript submitted by a reader

Napolitano: 0:32
Hi, everyone. Judge Andrew Napolitano here for “Judging Freedom”. Today is Thursday, February 20th, 2025. Professor Gilbert Doctorow joins us from Brussels in just a moment on, wow, what a two days of Donald Trump turning American foreign policy around 180 degrees. Is he ever full of surprises!

2:10
Professor Doctorow, welcome here. Donald Trump has, of course, dominated the news, particularly with respect to foreign policy. I’m going to read in just a moment his Truth Social, his startling statements about President Zelensky yesterday and ask you, how does the Kremlin feel about this? I can only imagine your answer, but so we’re on the same page, here’s what the president said.

Trump:
“Think of it, a modestly successful comedian, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, talked the United States of America into spending $350 Billion Dollars, to go into a War that couldn’t be won, that never had to start, but a war that he, without the U.S. and “TRUMP,”, will never be able to settle. The United States has spent $200 Billion Dollars more than Europe, and Europe’s money is guaranteed, while the United States will get nothing back. Why didn’t Sleepy Joe Biden demand Equalization, in that this war is far more important to Europe than it is to us — We have a big, beautiful Ocean as separation. On top of this, Zelenskyy admits that half of the money we sent him is, “MISSING.” He refuses to have elections, is very low in Ukrainian
Polls, and the only thing he was good at was playing Biden “like a fiddle.” “

Trump: 3:41
“A dictator without Elections, Zelensky better move fast or he is not going to have a Country left. In the meantime, we are successfully negotiating an end to the War with Russia, something all admit only “TRUMP” and the Trump administration can do. Biden never tried. Europe has failed to bring Peace, and Zelenskyy probably wants to keep the “gravy train” going. I love Ukraine, but Zelenskyy has done a terrible Job, his country is shattered, and MILLIONS have unnecessarily died — And so it continues…..”

Napolitano: 4:15 / 4:46
One wag professor on Ukrainian television suggested that that statement was written by Sergey Lavrov handed to Marco Rubio who gave it to President Trump to post on Truth Social. Question, How does the Kremlin view President Trump this morning?

The Kremlin is very satisfied with the positive results of the meeting in Riyadh. They’re very pleased, of course, with all of the further development, the further evolution of what Trump is saying publicly. I think it’s fair to imagine that Trump’s positions haven’t changed. The only thing that has changed is the timing when he comes out with the next layer of revelation of where we really are.

I think the big surprise in what’s happened the last six, seven days is that we, all of us, both in mainstream and in alternative media, we underestimated the Trump team’s ability to penetrate the fog that the intelligence agencies had been maintaining during the whole of the Biden era. And we assumed that it would have to wait for Tulsi Gabbard to come in with a candle and light up the room. But that was indeed not the case. So many things have happened in the last six days, which if you look at them, are all directly interrelated and consequences were known in advance.

6:27
I’ll give you two examples. This whole question about the mineral resources in Ukraine to be used as a security for America to recover its investment in this war. It was obvious that the terms that they gave to Zelensky would result in his rejecting them. And yet further American assistance was made contingent on his accepting them. Clear what they were going after. Similarly, the whole question of the questionnaire, The issue of a questionnaire that was sent out to the European Union member states over the weekend, in which they were required to say what military units and what equipment they would have available to enforce a peace treaty and to provide security to Ukraine after the signing of peace.

7:22
And what happened in the meeting on Monday was, and I think the Trump expected this, no show. They have nothing. They couldn’t reach agreement. Two of the major, the most important countries in the possible donors refused flat to provide troops for this. And even Britain said that the success was contingent on American support, which Trump had already said would not be available. Therefore, the questionnaire was intended to pose “put up or shut up”, and Trump knew in advance it would be “shut up”.

7:59
So these are not accidental or arbitrary moves. They were all coordinated to get the European Union offside, because it was evident that they are the war camp. They would only frustrate any attempt at reaching an agreement with Ukraine over the end of the war. And also to keep out Mr. Zelensky, who finally, when the last shoe dropped in the messages that you were just reading, Zelensky is called a dictator who does not hold elections.

In these circumstances, the United States can proceed directly with Russia. How does Russia feel about it? Vindicated, But then those who are in the BBC recording this and they’re saying, Mr. Putin is laughing at all this. Well, first it’s fake news because they don’t know what he’s doing.

8:58
If they said he may be or he must be, that would be news possibly. But to suggest that they have access to his private offices and see where he’s chuckling or not, that is fake news. And what Russia thinks of it–

Napolitano:
Somebody like you who has great insight into the Kremlin can probably opine that the Kremlin is quite pleased, maybe even ecstatic with the comments from yesterday, no?

Doctorow: 9:30
No, … it has been … excluded that there be any euphoria in Moscow. They are well aware of that. But I think the most important thing that we have witnessed in the Riyadh meeting and what followed immediately after that is the Russian satisfaction that Trump is acting in good faith and that there is a negotiating partner here. Because remember the words that were used about the Russians speaking of the Americans in the last months, if not a couple of years, that America is not capable of reaching agreements. Remember the importance placed by Lavrov and others on trust and the whole– just note that the project of discussions has been put into three baskets.

The first and most immediate one is to repair the almost destroyed institutions for diplomatic exchange. The Russian embassy in Washington is non-functional. It doesn’t have an ambassador. It doesn’t have workable bank accounts to pay any of its, any employees, locally hired, because they’re cut off from the international banking system. This has to be done first. And that is a gesture of good faith, which the Russians expect to be implemented very quickly. And I think–

Napolitano: 11:01
Wasn’t that in fact agreed upon at Riyadh and the same with respect to the American embassy in Moscow?

Doctorow:
Yes, the most– there are three baskets. I just named the first of them, was immediately to repair diplomatic relations. So if they had the staff in place to work on the thorny, very difficult questions that are in basket two, which includes solving the war in Ukraine, but also includes less difficult or less unpleasant issues like cooperation in space or joint work in the Arctic and the Arctic naval passages north of Siberia.

These types of subjects, which require a lot of expertise and constant support, the very idea that they exist as part of the overall reconciliation would give Moscow hope. Because all of these things, whether it’s restoring one or another type of the arms control agreements that were, that were canceled and should be restored, they all have to do with a constant interchange, a constant flow of people back and forth, which are, aside from the subject matter, the procedural side of this has its own relevance because all of it inspires confidence and trust.

12:30
Napolitano:
OK.

Doctorow:
And without confidence and trust, you can’t do anything.

Napolitano:
How astute was it of Foreign Minister Lavrov to note in the early part of his opening statement, looking at Steven Witkoff, the president’s billionaire real estate developer buddy and go-to negotiator and say, because of the Joe Biden sanctions, which President Trump has kept in place, American businesses have lost $330 billion in income. That certainly got their attention.

Doctorow: 13:14
I think that is effective public relations of soft power. I don’t think it reflects reality. Like I was in Russian business for most of my professional career, and the points of common interest between the United States and Russia were always very small. Foreign trade or the trade exchanges were always very small. There was very little complementarity, nothing like the complementarity that existed between Europe and Russia. That is, Russia is a big supplier of essential materials of all kinds, whether it’s hydrocarbons or metals or grains.

13:56
Anyway, the Europeans were big consumers for good reasons. It wasn’t out of kindness. It was out of advantage. The United States never had that complementarity. So the level of possible profitability of business exchanges between Russia and the United States is much more modest than this $350 billion that Lavrov cited. It makes good news, it’s not reality.

Napolitano: 14:24
Our mutual friend and colleague, Pepe Escobar, recently returned from the Donbas where he says the Russian front lines continue to move inexorably westward and with very little resistance. General Kellogg, on the other hand, claims the war is at a stalemate. What credibility does the general have in the Kremlin?

Doctorow:
Well, he has none, but they are very satisfied with his being sidelined. Of course, I’m very well aware that there is a to and fro, has he been totally sidelined? Is he really going to be in charge of negotiations? I don’t take this as worth investigating. It’s a lot of hearsay. The last thing that I heard that I believed is that he was given the assignment of holding the hands of the Europeans and the Ukrainians, while the real work with the Russians was being assigned to Witkoff as the personal emissary of Trump. So I don’t think the Russians take very seriously anything that Kellogg does, and they believe that he’s out of the loop.

Napolitano: 15:34
What’s the next step that we can expect between Secretary of State Rubio and Foreign Minister Lavrov, other than perhaps a regular communication? I don’t know if Marco said, “Hey, Sergey, here’s my cell phone. Call me whenever you want. I’m not Tony Blinken.” I don’t know if they’ve reached that level, but what’s going to happen next, from your understanding, Professor?

Doctorow: 15:59
Appointment of working teams. Of course, it’s important for the top people to get together and the top people in diplomacy are the two named, Rubio and Lavrov. But at this stage, there is a great deal of detailed work that was to be done. And they have to assign working teams to get going on this advance. You can’t have a preparation for a summit of the two leaders if the Sherpas haven’t done their work.

The Sherpas have to be named, they have to sit down and work, And it’s going to be a very big group of people because of all the dimensions of relations that have to be restored. So I think the two of them will be in touch, but only occasionally as certain timelines, marks on the timelines are reached where a decision has to be taken one way or another.

Napolitano: 16:54
Has the Kremlin tipped its hand about how much longer it thinks the war will last before Ukraine collapses, Zelensky flees, the military gives up the ghost, something like that?

Doctorow:
Well, judging by what we’ve heard in the last two days, it’s hard to imagine that Zelensky has a shelf life of more than a few weeks. That doesn’t mean the Ukraine has a shelf life of [no] more than a few weeks.

Remember, there is vast amount of armament that was sent out by Biden in the months, weeks and even days before he left office. So the notion that the Ukrainians have no arms is wrong. They do. They can last for a while. How many months no one can say.

17:43
The idea that the Ukrainians have no men is also incorrect. There is, when the Russians are moving, as they are day by day, they are meeting resistance and counterattacks. And particularly keeping in mind the nature of the present battlefield, which is dominated by the little birds, by the drones, the reconnaissance and kamikaze drones, a rather small number of Ukrainians can do a lot to hold up the advance of Russian forces, and they do. But let’s look at — a six-month timeline would be reasonable.

Napolitano: 18:25
OK, thank you. What is the state of affairs in Kursk? Are Ukrainian soldiers and foreign soldiers of fortune still occupying a portion of Russia?

Doctorow:
They are, but of course when Zelensky was saying that this would be a bargaining chip, as if he has the whole region of Kursk under his control. I don’t know if he has 10 or 15 percent of Kursk under his control. The Russians have been doing their best to flush out the remaining Ukrainians.

It’s a long border there, I don’t know, 100, 150, 200 kilometers, and it’s very hard to seal it hermetically. So of course there’s infiltration of new replacement Ukrainian forces. They don’t quite keep up with the slaughter of those who were there before them, but it’s not as though the Russians could flush it out once and there’s nothing left. No, there are replacements, and so the battle goes on in Kursk. And one of the things that has come out in the last few weeks of news are the horrendous stories of the torture and murder of civilians who were unable to leave or who didn’t have enough sense to leave when the Ukrainians moved in.

19:43
They find the bodies, and they exposed these about two weeks ago, and still turning these up. People who were murdered in their cellars after torture, of course, they had a very good time, these Ukrainian and foreign troops. So that has been filling Russian news, but the area is not completely freed, and there are thousands and thousands, I think it’s 10, 20 thousabd or more Russians who are living in temporary lodgings because it’s unsafe to go back to their villages, even if their houses were not destroyed, because of the danger of these marauders from the Ukrainian side.

Napolitano: 20:26
What is the Kremlin’s view, if you know it, of Vice President Vance’s dressing down of European elites at Munich last week, criticizing their domestic policies?

Doctorow:
Well, I’m not going to be like the “Financial Times” and I’m not going to put it as if I was in the back rooms there to hear them. But I will say, they must have been very satisfied, because what he was saying is precisely what the Russians have been saying for a good long time about the undemocratic nature of the European upholders of international values and the rights of man and the rest of it.

21:11
Here is a critical point to mention: that it is not the alignment of what Trump or Vance may be saying with what the Russians have been saying. It’s the alignment of what the Americans are now saying with the truth. And whether the Russians like it or don’t like it, whether they’re laughing, rejoicing, opening bottles of champagne, is irrelevant. It is to the advantage of us all, including those in power, to be speaking the truth and making their strategic plans based on reality, not on ideology.

Napolitano: 21:47
Let me switch gears before we finish our conversation. What do you expect from your observations in the German elections on Sunday, Professor Doctorow?

Doctorow:
The really tough question is, what will the coalition be that results from this? The last polls, official polls, saw the Christian Democrats at something like 31 percent of the electorate and the Alternative for Germany at something like 21 percent.

22:16
You add those two, and you’ve got majority coalition. The question is, can they be induced to join forces? It’s very problematic. Otherwise, what you’ve got is the 31 percent of the Christian Democrats aligning with the, what, 12 percent of the socialists. They’re still short of 50 percent.

They have to bring in the Free Democrats. It becomes really also problematic that they can find partners to reach 50 percent. They could take the Greens, but they won’t. I find it inconceivable that these idiots from the Greens would be brought into a CDU-led coalition.

Napolitano: 23:01
Is there any way Chancellor Scholz stays in office?

Doctorow:
No, there’s no chance of that. Whether he would receive some ministerial portfolio, should they manage to scrape together 50 percent or more of the parliamentarians in an alliance of the CDU and SPD, then he will be given something, but he will certainly not be the chancellor.

Napolitano: 23:31
Before we go, are Russians still comparing Donald Trump to Mikhail Gorbachev?

Doctorow:
They are, but in a much more sympathetic way to Gorbachev himself. I think that there’s been, remember that Gorbachev brought them economic disaster, he brought them political disaster in the sense of disorganization, chaos, and transition to the Yeltsin years which were not very healthy years for Russia.

So Gorbachev has taken a lot of hits within Russia, although he was always very much loved in Germany for making the reunification possible. But Gorbachev has many facets to him, and the one which they found initially to be so similar was his role as the wrecking ball, the one who broke down the Soviet system and made way for freedom. Now, the wrecking ball of course is exactly what they saw in Donald Trump. And their first conclusions were that Trump would bring chaos to America, that the opposition that he raised would nullify his reform intentions, much as happened to Gorbachev. On second thought, they’re very impressed by what he’s doing and by his political skills.

And they see the other side of Gorbachev that we in the West, America think of, that is Gorbachev the peacemaker, the man who put an end to the Cold War division of Europe. And I think that’s how they’re looking at Trump today, hopefully, but without this euphoria, to be sure.

Napolitano: 25:12
Professor Doctorow, a pleasure, my dear friend. Thank you for your insight. We’ll look forward to chatting with you next week. We’ll know the outcome of the German elections and we’ll probably get another profound wrecking-ball statement from Donald Trump. All the best. Thank you.

Doctorow:
Thank you, too. Bye-bye.

Napolitano:
Of course. See you next week. And coming up later today at two o’clock this afternoon, Colonel Larry Wilkerson; at three o’clock, Professor John Mearsheimer; at four o’clock, the always worth waiting for Max Blumenthal.

25:46
Judge Napolitano for “Judging Freedom”.

Translation below into Spanish (Chod Zom)

Transcripción de la edición del 20 de febrero de «Juzgar la libertad».
Transcripción enviada por un lector.

Napolitano: 0:32
Hola a todos. El juez Andrew Napolitano está aquí para presentar «Juzgando la libertad». Hoy es jueves, 20 de febrero de 2025. El profesor Gilbert Doctorow se une a nosotros desde Bruselas dentro de un momento para hablar de los dos días en los que Donald Trump ha dado un giro de 180 grados a la política exterior estadounidense. ¿Estamos siempre ante un escenario inesperado?

2:10
Bienvenido, profesor Doctorow. Donald Trump, por supuesto, ha acaparado las noticias, en particular las relacionadas con la política exterior. A continuación, leeré de su ”Truth Social”, sus sorprendentes declaraciones de ayer sobre el presidente Zelensky, y le preguntaré cuál es la reacción del Kremlin. Solo puedo imaginar su respuesta, pero para que estemos en la misma página, aquí tienen lo que dijo el presidente.

Trump:
”Piénsenlo, un comediante de modesto éxito, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, convenció a Estados Unidos de América de gastar 350 billones de dólares para entrar en una guerra que no se podía ganar, que nunca tuvo que empezar, pero que él, sin Estados Unidos y sin Trump, nunca podrán resolver. Estados Unidos ha gastado 200 billones de dólares más que Europa y el dinero de Europa está garantizado, mientras que Estados Unidos no recuperará nada. ¿Por qué Sleepy Joe Biden no exigió la igualdad, sabiendo que esta guerra es mucho más importante para Europa que para nosotros? Tenemos un gran y hermoso océano de por medio. Además, Zelenskyy admite que la mitad del dinero que le enviamos «FALTA». Se niega a celebrar elecciones, es muy bajo en Ucrania.
Las encuestas y lo único en lo que era bueno era en tocar a Biden «como un violín».”

Trump: 3:41
”Un dictador sin elecciones, más le vale a Zelensky moverse rápido o no le va a quedar país. Mientras tanto, estamos negociando con éxito el fin de la guerra con Rusia, algo que todos admiten que solo puede hacer Trump y su administración. Biden nunca lo intentó. Europa ha fracasado a la hora de traer la paz, y Zelenskyy probablemente quiere mantener el «gravy train»[1] en marcha. Amo a Ucrania, pero Zelensky ha hecho un trabajo terrible, su país está destrozado y millones han muerto innecesariamente,” (y así continúa).

Napolitano: 4:15/4:46.
Un profesor de la Universidad de Kiev sugirió que esa declaración fue escrita por Sergey Lavrov, entregada a Marco Rubio, que se la dio al presidente Trump para que la publicara en Truth Social. Pregunta: ¿Cómo ve el Kremlin al presidente Trump esta mañana?

Doctorow
El Kremlin está muy satisfecho con los resultados positivos de la reunión en Riad. Están muy satisfechos, por supuesto, con todo el desarrollo posterior de las declaraciones públicas de Trump. Creo que es justo imaginar que la postura de Trump no ha cambiado. Lo único que ha cambiado es el momento en que sale con la siguiente capa de revelación sobre nuestra situación real.

Creo que la gran sorpresa de lo que ha ocurrido en los últimos seis o siete días es que nosotros, todos nosotros, tanto en los medios convencionales como en los alternativos, subestimamos la capacidad del equipo de Trump para penetrar en la niebla que las agencias de inteligencia habían mantenido durante toda la era Biden. Y supusimos que habría que esperar a que Tulsi Gabbard entrara con una vela e iluminara la habitación. Pero no fue así. En los últimos seis días han sucedido tantas cosas que, si te fijas, todas están directamente interrelacionadas y sus consecuencias se conocían de antemano.

6:27
Le daré dos ejemplos. Toda esta cuestión sobre los recursos minerales de Ucrania que se utilizarían para garantizar la seguridad de la inversión americana en esta guerra. Era obvio que los términos que le dieron a Zelensky terminarían rechazándose. Y, sin embargo, la ayuda estadounidense se condicionó a su aceptación. Está claro lo que buscaban. Del mismo modo, toda la cuestión del cuestionario que se envió a los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea durante el fin de semana, en el que se les pedía que dijeran qué unidades militares y qué equipos tendrían disponibles para hacer cumplir un tratado de paz y proporcionar seguridad a Ucrania tras la firma de la paz.

7:22 h
Y lo que ocurrió en la reunión del lunes fue lo que Trump esperaba: que no aparecieron. No tienen nada. No pudieron llegar a un acuerdo. Dos de los principales países donantes se negaron rotundamente a proporcionar tropas para esto. Incluso Gran Bretaña dijo que el éxito dependía del apoyo estadounidense, que Trump ya había dicho que no estaría disponible. Por lo tanto, el cuestionario estaba destinado a plantear «poner o callar», y Trump sabía de antemano que sería «callar».

7:59
Por tanto, no se trata de movimientos accidentales o arbitrarios. Todos ellos se coordinaron para poner a la Unión Europea fuera de juego, porque era evidente que ellos son el bando beligerante. Solo frustrarían cualquier intento de llegar a un acuerdo con Ucrania para poner fin a la guerra. Y también para dejar fuera al Sr. Zelensky, que, finalmente, cuando cayó el último zapato en los mensajes que acabas de leer, fue llamado un dictador que no celebra elecciones.
En estas circunstancias, Estados Unidos puede proceder directamente con Rusia. ¿Cómo se siente Rusia al respecto? Se siente reivindicada, pero luego los de la BBC están grabando esto y dicen que el Sr. Putin se está riendo de todo esto. Bueno, primero son fake news porque no saben lo que está haciendo.

8:58
Si dijeran que puede ser o que debe ser, eso sería posiblemente una noticia. Pero sugerir que tienen acceso a sus despachos privados y ver dónde se está riendo o no, eso son noticias falsas. Y lo que Rusia piensa de ello.

Napolitano:
Alguien como usted que tiene una gran visión del Kremlin probablemente puede opinar que el Kremlin está bastante satisfecho, tal vez incluso extasiado con los comentarios de ayer, ¿no?

Doctorow: 9:30
No, … se ha … excluido que haya euforia en Moscú. Son muy conscientes de ello. Pero creo que lo más importante que hemos presenciado en la reunión de Riad y lo que siguió inmediatamente después es la satisfacción rusa de que Trump está actuando de buena fe y de que aquí hay un socio negociador. Porque recuerden las palabras que se dijeron sobre los rusos hablando de los americanos en los últimos meses, si no un par de años, de que América no es capaz de llegar a acuerdos. Recuerden la importancia que Lavrov y otros han dado a la confianza y a todo el… fíjense que el proyecto de las discusiones se ha puesto en tres cestas.

El primero y más inmediato es reparar las casi destruidas instituciones de intercambio diplomático. La embajada rusa en Washington no funciona. No tiene embajador. No tiene cuentas bancarias viables para pagar a ninguno de sus empleados, contratados localmente, porque están aislados del sistema bancario internacional. Esto tiene que hacerse primero. Y eso es un gesto de buena fe, que los rusos esperan que se implemente muy rápidamente. Y creo que…

Napolitano: 11:01 h.
¿No se acordó eso de hecho en Riad y lo mismo con respecto a la embajada estadounidense en Moscú?

Doctorow:
Sí, lo más importante es que hay tres cestas. Acabo de mencionar la primera de ellas: reparar inmediatamente las relaciones diplomáticas. Así que, si tuvieran el personal necesario para trabajar en las cuestiones espinosas y muy difíciles que están en la cesta dos, que incluye resolver la guerra en Ucrania, pero también cuestiones menos difíciles o menos desagradables, como la cooperación en el espacio o el trabajo conjunto en el Ártico y los pasos navales árticos al norte de Siberia.
Este tipo de temas, que requieren mucha experiencia y apoyo constante, darían esperanzas a Moscú si existieran como parte de la reconciliación global. Porque todas estas cosas, ya se trate de restaurar uno u otro tipo de acuerdos de control de armamentos cancelados y que deberían ser restaurados, tienen que ver con un intercambio constante, un flujo constante de personas de un lado a otro. El lado procedimental de esto tiene su propia relevancia, porque todo ello inspira confianza y seguridad.

12:30 h.
Napolitano:
De acuerdo.

Doctorow:
Y sin confianza no se puede hacer nada.

Napolitano:
Qué astuto fue el ministro de Asuntos Exteriores, Lavrov, al señalar en la primera parte de su declaración de apertura, dirigiéndose a Steven Witkoff, el multimillonario promotor inmobiliario y amigo del presidente, y decir que, debido a las sanciones impuestas por Joe Biden, las empresas estadounidenses han perdido 330 000 millones de dólares en ingresos. Sin duda, eso llamó su atención.

Doctorow: 13:14
Creo que eso son relaciones públicas efectivas de poder blando. No creo que refleje la realidad. Yo estuve en el mundo de los negocios rusos durante la mayor parte de mi carrera profesional y los puntos de interés común entre Estados Unidos y Rusia siempre fueron muy limitados. El comercio exterior o los intercambios comerciales siempre fueron muy reducidos. Había muy poca complementariedad, nada que ver con la que existía entre Europa y Rusia. Es decir, Rusia es un gran proveedor de todo tipo de materiales esenciales, ya sean hidrocarburos, metales o cereales.

13:56
En cualquier caso, los europeos eran grandes consumidores por buenas razones. No era por bondad, sino por ventaja. Era por ventaja. Estados Unidos nunca contó con esa complementariedad. Así que el nivel de posible rentabilidad de los intercambios comerciales entre Rusia y Estados Unidos es mucho más modesto que los 350 000 millones de dólares que citó Lavrov. Es una buena noticia, pero no se corresponde con la realidad.

Napolitano: 14:24.
Nuestro común amigo y colega, Pepe Escobar, regresó recientemente del Donbás, donde dice que las líneas del frente ruso avanzan inexorablemente hacia el oeste con muy poca resistencia. El general Kellogg, en cambio, afirma que la guerra está en tablas. ¿Qué credibilidad tiene el general en el Kremlin?

Doctorow:
Bueno, no tiene ninguna, pero están muy satisfechos con su marginación. Por supuesto, soy muy consciente de que hay un vaivén, ¿ha sido totalmente marginado? ¿Realmente va a estar a cargo de las negociaciones? No me parece que valga la pena investigarlo. Hay muchos rumores. Lo último que oí, y que creo, es que se le había asignado la tarea de entretener a los europeos y a los ucranianos, mientras que el verdadero trabajo con los rusos se le estaba asignando a Witkoff como emisario personal de Trump. Así que no creo que los rusos se tomen muy en serio nada de lo que haga Kellogg ya que piensan que está fuera del circuito.

Napolitano: 15:34
¿Cuál es el siguiente paso que podemos esperar entre el Secretario de Estado Rubio y el Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores Lavrov, aparte quizás de una comunicación regular? No sé si Marco dijo: «Oye, Sergey, aquí tienes mi móvil. Llámame cuando quieras. No soy Tony Blinken». No sé si han llegado a ese nivel, pero ¿qué va a pasar ahora, según usted, profesor?

Doctorow: 15:59
Nombramiento de equipos de trabajo. Por supuesto, es importante que los altos cargos se reúnan y esos altos cargos de la diplomacia son los dos nombrados, Rubio y Lavrov. Pero en esta etapa, hay una gran cantidad de trabajo detallado que habría que hacer. Y tienen que asignar equipos de trabajo para poner en marcha este avance. No se puede preparar una cumbre de los dos líderes si los sherpas no han hecho su trabajo.

Los sherpas tienen que ser nombrados, tienen que sentarse y trabajar, y va a ser un grupo muy grande de personas debido a todas las dimensiones de las relaciones que hay que restablecer. Así que creo que ambos estarán en contacto, pero sólo ocasionalmente, a medida que se alcancen ciertos plazos, momentos en los plazos en los que haya que tomar una decisión en un sentido u otro.

Napolitano: 16:54.
¿Ha dicho el Kremlin cuánto tiempo cree que durará la guerra antes de que Ucrania se derrumbe, de que Zelensky huya, de que los militares se rindan, algo así?

Doctorow:
Bueno, a juzgar por lo que hemos oído en los últimos dos días, es difícil imaginar que Zelensky tenga una vida útil de más de unas pocas semanas. Eso no significa que Ucrania vaya a desaparecer en unas pocas semanas.

No olvidemos que se envió una enorme cantidad de armamento en los meses, semanas e incluso días previos a la salida de Biden. Así que la idea de que los ucranianos no tienen armas es errónea. Las tienen. Pueden durar un tiempo. Cuántos meses, nadie lo sabe.

17:43 h.
La idea de que los ucranianos no tienen hombres también es errónea. Los hay, porque cuando los rusos se mueven, como lo hacen día a día, encuentran resistencia y contraataques. Y, sobre todo, teniendo en cuenta la naturaleza del campo de batalla actual, dominado por drones, drones de reconocimiento y kamikazes, un número reducido de ucranianos puede hacer mucho para frenar el avance de las fuerzas rusas, y así lo están haciendo. Pero veamos… Un plazo de seis meses sería razonable.

Napolitano: 18:25
Bien, gracias. ¿Cuál es la situación en Kursk? ¿Siguen los soldados ucranianos y los soldados extranjeros de fortuna ocupando una parte de Rusia?

Doctorow:
Lo están, pero por supuesto cuando Zelensky estaba diciendo que esto sería una moneda de cambio, como si tuviera toda la región de Kursk bajo su control. No sé si tiene el 10 o el 15 por ciento de Kursk bajo su control. Los rusos han estado haciendo todo lo posible para expulsar a los ucranianos restantes.

La frontera es larga, no sé, 100, 150, 200 kilómetros, y es muy difícil cerrarla herméticamente. Así que, por supuesto, hay infiltración de nuevas fuerzas ucranianas de reemplazo. No están a la altura de la matanza de los que estaban allí antes que ellos, pero no es como si los rusos pudieran arrasar de una vez y no quedara nada. No, hay reemplazos, y así continúa la batalla en Kursk. Y una de las cosas que han salido a la luz en las noticias de las últimas semanas son las horrendas historias de tortura y asesinato de civiles que no pudieron marcharse o que no tuvieron el suficiente sentido común para hacerlo cuando los ucranianos avanzaron.

19:43
Han encontrado los cuerpos, y los han expuesto hace unas dos semanas, y siguen apareciendo. Las personas que fueron asesinadas en sus sótanos después de la tortura, por supuesto, se divirtieron mucho, estas tropas ucranianas y extranjeras. Así que eso ha ocupado las noticias rusas, pero la zona no está completamente liberada, y hay miles y miles, creo que son 10, 20 mil o más rusos que están viviendo en alojamientos temporales porque no es seguro volver a sus pueblos, incluso si sus casas no fueron destruidas, por el peligro de estos maleantes del lado ucraniano.

Napolitano: 20:26
¿Qué opina el Kremlin, si es que lo sabe, de la reprimenda del vicepresidente Vance a las élites europeas en Múnich la semana pasada, criticando sus políticas internas?

Doctorow:
Bueno, no voy a ser como el «Financial Times» y no voy a decirlo como si estuviera allí en las trastiendas para escucharlos. Pero sí diré que deberían estar muy satisfechos, porque lo que él dijo es precisamente lo que los rusos llevan mucho tiempo diciendo sobre la naturaleza antidemocrática de los defensores europeos de los valores internacionales y los derechos del hombre y demás.

21:11
Hay un punto crítico que mencionar: no se trata de la alineación de lo que Trump o Vance pueden estar diciendo con lo que los rusos han estado diciendo. Se trata de la alineación de lo que los estadounidenses están diciendo ahora con la verdad. Y si a los rusos les gusta o no, si se están riendo, alegrándose o abriendo botellas de champán, es irrelevante. Nos beneficia a todos, incluidos los que están en el poder, que digan la verdad y hagan sus planes estratégicos basándose en la realidad, no en la ideología.

Napolitano: 21:47.
Permítame cambiar de tema antes de terminar nuestra conversación. ¿Qué espera de sus observaciones en las elecciones alemanas del domingo, profesor Doctorow?

Doctorow:
La pregunta realmente difícil es: ¿cuál será la coalición resultante? Las últimas encuestas, las oficiales, daban a los democristianos un 31 % de los votos y a Alternativa para Alemania un 21 %.

22:16
Si sumas a esos dos, tienes una coalición mayoritaria. La pregunta es, ¿se les puede inducir a unir fuerzas? Es muy problemático. Si no, lo que tienes es el 31% de los democristianos alineados con el, qué, 12% de los socialistas. Aún les falta el 50%.

Tienen que incorporar a los Demócratas Libres. También resulta problemático que puedan encontrar socios para alcanzar el 50 por ciento. Podrían llevar a los Verdes, pero no lo harán. Me parece inconcebible que esos idiotas de los Verdes se incorporen a una coalición liderada por la CDU.

Napolitano: 23:01
¿Hay alguna posibilidad de que el canciller Scholz siga en el cargo?

Doctorow:
No, no hay ninguna posibilidad. Si recibiera alguna cartera ministerial, en caso de que consiguieran reunir el 50 por ciento o más de los parlamentarios en una alianza de la CDU y el SPD, entonces se le daría algo, pero desde luego no sería el canciller.

Napolitano: 23:31
Antes de irnos, ¿siguen los rusos comparando a Donald Trump con Mijaíl Gorbachov?

Doctorow:
Lo hacen, pero de una manera mucho más comprensiva hacia el propio Gorbachov. Creo que ha habido, recordemos que Gorbachov les trajo el desastre económico, les trajo el desastre político en el sentido de la desorganización, el caos y la transición a los años de Yeltsin, que no fueron años muy saludables para Rusia.

Así que Gorbachov ha recibido muchos golpes dentro de Rusia, aunque siempre fue muy querido en Alemania por hacer posible la reunificación. Pero Gorbachov tiene muchas facetas y la que inicialmente les pareció tan similar fue su papel de bola de demolición, el que derribó el sistema soviético y abrió paso a la libertad. Ahora, la ”bola de demolición” es, por supuesto, exactamente lo que vieron en Donald Trump. Y sus primeras conclusiones fueron que Trump traería el caos a Estados Unidos y que la oposición que suscitara anularía sus intenciones reformistas, de forma muy parecida a lo que le ocurrió a Gorbachov. En realidad, están muy impresionados por lo que está haciendo y por sus habilidades políticas.

Y ven el otro lado de Gorbachov en el que pensamos en Occidente, en Estados Unidos, que es Gorbachov el pacificador, el hombre que puso fin a la división de Europa durante la Guerra Fría. Y creo que así es como están viendo a Trump hoy, con suerte, pero sin esta euforia, para estar seguros.

Napolitano: 25:12
Profesor Doctorow, un placer, querido amigo. Gracias por su perspicacia. Estaremos encantados de charlar con usted la semana que viene. Conoceremos el resultado de las elecciones alemanas y probablemente recibiremos otra profunda declaración demoledora de Donald Trump. Le deseo lo mejor. Gracias.

Doctorow:
Gracias, también. Adiós.

Napolitano:
Por supuesto. Hasta la semana que viene.


[1]Gravy train = Una manera fácil de ganar dinero sin trabajar mucho.

A gift to Russian speakers: ‘Judging Freedom’ in voice-over

It is remarkable and a testament to the discernment of Russian social, political and business elites that the ‘Judging Freedom’ interviews conducted by Judge Andrew Napolitano and posted on his youtube channel among other social media receive their attention week by week and that private internet channels like rutube.ru re-post these interviews with Russian voice-over to magnify the domestic audience in Russia.

I have done no systematic follow-up on the Judging Freedom interviews, though I do know that excerpts from Napolitano’s chats with John Mearsheimer and Jeffrey Sachs are presented on the leading political talk shows in Russia including ‘Evening with Vladimir Solovyov’.

As for myself, this is the third week in a row when my appearances on Judging Freedom have been re-posted on the runet within 12 hours of their first distribution on youtube.com. And whereas such re-postings were in the past done using machine translations and synthesized voice, the present re-postings use high-level human translators and excellent narrators.

Here is the link to the voice-over edition of yesterday’s interview:

https://dzen.ru/video/watch/67b76639926c6715fac418b9?ysclid=m7ecup46mi381680315

‘Judging Freedom’ edition of 20 February: Trump Full of Surprises

The title speaks for itself. In this session with Judge Andrew Napolitano, we discussed the likely Kremlin reaction to the past week of surprises from Donald Trump culminating in his denunciation of Volodymyr Zelensky as a dictator who had pilfered the billions of U.S. aid to his country for personal gain while the country was undergoing massive destruction and loss of life.

Were the statements by Trump this past week indicating a change in his thinking or was it all pre-programmed and brought out with consummate skill, as I try to show in this discussion?

Transcript of Press TV, Iran interview dated 19 February

Transcript submitted by a reader

PressTV: 0:00
Joining us now out of Brussels is Gilbert Doctorow, independent international affairs analyst, joining us for more on the story. Hello Mr. Gilbert Doctorow, hope you’re safe and doing well. Now there’s actually a crazy shift in alliances going on here. This is something quite unprecedented when you see the US president circumventing the Europeans going straight to Moscow to the Europeans, especially the Ukrainians chagrin, to try to etch out a peace deal.

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD: 0:30
I think it’s quite impressive how Donald Trump is conducting this restoration of normal relations with Russia and his approach to the war. There are a great many people in the United States, still more people in Europe, who do not appreciate Donald Trump’s ability to be tactful and to think strategically and to have very detailed and spontaneous approaches to resolving a complex issue like the Ukraine war.

1:04
What we have seen in the last seven days is a remarkable testament to the team that Donald Trump has put together, who are very intelligent, who are very experienced in human relations and dealing with people, which is essential to any diplomatic effort. I’m speaking now of Marco Rubio, the Secretary of State; of Steve Witkoff, who is President Trump’s personal emissary and longtime confidant and colleague in international business; and Mr. Walz, who is the national security advisor to the president.

1:47
They displayed acumen, they displayed tact and diplomacy, and they made a very positive impression on their Russian counterparts, which is this trust building that your coverage, that your reportage has just mentioned. This is essential for something as complex as the restoring relations between countries at the top, that have been at the top of the world in general as superpowers, restoring their confidence in one another. And I think that very wisely the delegations yesterday divided the tasks ahead of them into three separate baskets, we may call them. The first one is to restore normal diplomatic functioning, since the embassies of both Russia in Washington and the United States in Moscow are operating at a skeletal level, a minimal level.

2:43
The ambassadors have not been appointed. The staff has been drastically reduced. The Russians in the United States are handicapped by the cutoff of their access to normal banking relations, so they can’t even pay the staff properly. These abnormal conditions have to be reviewed and reversed. So if you have an operating diplomatic corps in the other country, you’re able to support very complex and difficult tasks that the parties have now to deal with, bigger issues of not just the Ukraine war, but as Mr. Trump’s team said, the geopolitical issues that they face.

PressTV: 3:27
Mr. Doctorow, over the last couple of decades, if any US President truly cared about peace in Eastern Europe, they would have respected the long-standing notion that after Gorbachev’s fall, that the US is not going to push eastward close to Russia’s borders. If any US president came along throughout this time and decided that look– And Ironically, when you do push close to Russia’s borders, that’s only going to create more conflict and lead to something like we’re witnessing today in Ukraine, because this could all been have been averted if anyone cared not to continue demonizing Russia to the point where they feel they need to pull up to its doorsteps.

4:04
They would have probably got along better with Russia and that respect could have been reciprocated, we wouldn’t be where we are today, and Ukraine would have never happened.

Doctorow:
This all goes back to the final days of Gorbachov, and what I’m about to say has a lot of relevance to the situation that Iran faces in restoring its relations with the United States and its position with the West in general.

The issue here is the lack– you cannot have trust in people who are untrustworthy. And the United States officials, going back to the George Bush senior administration, were untrustworthy. It’s easy. We have generally said that Mr. Gorbachev was politically very sophisticated in having his way within the Soviet power elite. And he feinted to the right, and he feinted to the left, keeping his opponents on both ends of the spectrum off balance, so that he could push through reforms which his opponents on both sides opposed or rejected.

5:07
Mr. Trump is also showing that kind of political balancing act and skill. But on the negative side, it was said about Gorbachov that a man who was so skillful in handling his colleagues in the Soviet Union was naive, even foolish in his dealings with the United States administration and with Germany and the Europeans in general, because he didn’t require a written agreement on what was being discussed, that is, not to move NATO lines to the east. That was just done on a handshake and without solemn documents.

5:44
Of course, that is admitting the fact, overlooking the fact, that a gentleman’s honor was worth something going back, say, to the days of John Kennedy, when his agreement with Krushchev that Russia would remove its nuclear arms in Cuba and the United States would remove its missiles, nuclear-capable missiles in Turkey and in Italy. That was done on a handshake, a verbal agreement. No more, no less than what Mr. Gorbachev sought. But John Kennedy was a man of honor.

6:17
The people around George Bush Sr., the people around the Clintons, they were dishonorable people. They weren’t fair; they were card cheats. And the United States administration under Joe Biden was constituted by card cheats. By definition, you cannot agree anything with these people, whether it’s oral or in writing.

6:40
Happy to say that the people whom Trump has appointed appear to be honorable people. They appear to be intellectually … competent and experienced. They have done deals, deals that have worked and lasted. So for you in Iran, I think it is very important to watch what’s going on.

PressTV:
Always a pleasure, Mr Gilbert Doctorow, independent international affairs analyst there joining us out of Brussels.

7:12
And viewers, this brings us the conclusion of this Press TV world news bulletin here. Thank you for tuning in, and bye-bye for now.

Press TV, Iran interview: are Trump’s Russia negotiators trustworthy or just more U.S. card cheats in the tradition going back to George Bush, Sr.?

It was a pleasure to be invited by Press TV to comment on the negotiations in Riyadh to end the Ukraine war where the key word was “trust”.  As I point out, what is happening now between the Trump administration and the Kremlin is an effort to restore trust by a variety of immediate measures, starting with restoration of the respective embassies to full functionality. This also has direct bearing on the future of Iran’s relations with Washington and with the West more generally.  Under Joe Biden, the level of mutual trust between the two superpowers had continued its descent from the days of the Bush Jr. administration to the point of zero, just short of full severance of diplomatic relations. Now the task is first to restore mutual trust and then to proceed to solving specific complex tasks, including resolution of the war in and over Ukraine. Do the American negotiators appear to be credible? Are they capable of reaching durable agreements?

http://www.urmedium.net/c/presstv/132737

Transcript of ‘Dialogue Works’ edition of 19 February

Transcript submitted by a reader

Nima R. Alkhorshid: 0:05
Hi everybody. Today is Wednesday, February 19th, 2025, and our friend Gilbert Doctorow is back with us. Welcome back, Gilbert.

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD:
Yes, it is a pleasure.

Alkhorshid:
Let’s get started with the reactions on the part of Russians to what has happened in Riyadh between the two delegations from the United States and Russia. What do we know about that?

Doctorow:
Well, I was following the body language as well as the statements made by the three American negotiators. And it was very– and then I followed, of course, what Sergey Lavrov said afterwards. And from this it was clear that the atmosphere was positive, constructive on both sides. It was diplomatic. I mean, we don’t think about Trump as being a diplomat or a subtle man, shall we say. But Rubio was. In that sense, he displayed one of the finer points of diplomacy, tact. He has a lot of it.

1:06
And that is a very important attribute for his job as Secretary of State. There are people who said in the days following his nomination by Donald Trump. “Oh, this man’s a lightweight. He doesn’t know anything about diplomacy. He’s just in the pocket of the Israeli lobby. He’s a pro-Zionist.”

And they were dismissive of him. But the people were dismissive of nearly all of the appointments or nominations that were made by Trump, except for a couple whom we knew to be good guys. So Tulsi Gabbard is the outstanding case. And maybe his defense secretary nominee. Anyway, the main thing is that we all saw that he appointed a lot of hawks, people who didn’t sound like they would be in keeping with his peacemaker approach to his second term.

2:01
And you know what? Now that we’ve seen what’s happened in the last week, it’s just a week that everything has been turned on its head, starting with the telephone conversation that Trump had with Vladimir Putin. Everything’s been turned on its head, and we look at each case. Who said what where? What after– Trump didn’t say much about the call. He let others speak for him. The first one to speak and speak really very loudly, importantly, was of course, Pete Hegseth.

And in his debut here, a speech in Brussels, to what’s called the Ukraine support group or the Ukraine Coordinating Organization. Well, the Hegseth said, one, there will not be Ukraine in NATO; and two, it’s unrealistic to talk about going back to the pre-war borders, that this is a new reality. That was picked up by Western press and observers as saying that Trump had already conceded the major points to Putin, before they ever sat at the table. Well, it isn’t quite like that. These were non-negotiable terms for the Russians.

3:30
And either you’re going to accept them and you’ll proceed to peace negotiations, or you’ll reject them and there are no talks. So I don’t think that he was conceding anything if he was intent on taking this to talks. And the things that came out between the appointment of these power ministers or advisors to Trump and what we saw in the last seven days, almost everything is different. And you have to ask why. Is this the same Trump or is something else going on?

Well something else is going on. Those of us– and I include myself among them. I don’t stand above my peers in being so very perceptive– no, no, we all were taken in by these strange appointments of Trump. And we say, my goodness, does he know what he’s doing? My goodness, how are these people going to implement his plans, when they personal orientation is quite different?

4:31
And we misunderstood what he was doing and why. He appointed these people, including General Kellogg, knowing that they would say things that would be directly contradicting what we all expected. But in keeping with what some other people expected or hoped for, crossing their fingers, that they had Trump once again in a barrel, that he once again, his assistants would betray him and they would get what they want. So all his opponents in Capitol Hill, in the press, in the academic establishment of war, the war keepers, they all were very happy with these appointments, even if we in the alternative media were cringing that maybe we made our own bet on Trump.

5:30
That was a game, that was a charade. And you know, we were all taken in on both sides of the aisle. Here in the alternative media, I think all my peers were taken in. We were all discussing, gee, you know what happened? Trump is getting the same false intelligence from the CIA as Biden was getting.

They got a complete wrong reading. They’re saying the war is a stalemate, as Kellogg did. They’re saying, as Kellogg was saying, we’ve got to have a stick and a carrot for the Russians, we’re going to beat the hell out of them if they don’t sit down on the table and conclude a peace as we think it should be, or we’re going to raise the arms into Ukraine, we’re going to raise the sanctions against Russia, we’re really going to show who’s boss. Well, that was Kellogg before his wings were clipped. He was saying what Trump wanted him to say, to make all of Trump’s enemies quiet, and allow him to proceed with what would overwhelm them all before they had a chance to react.

6:37
And that overwhelming is what we saw in the last week. No, we didn’t have to wait for Tulsi Gabbard to come with her candle into the dark room and light it all up for Trump, to show him who’s who and what’s what. He had that all down perfectly. Now, we got used to speaking about the collective Biden. Well, I put it more kindly and speak of Team Trump.

It comes to the same thing. The presidency is more than one man. And not because Trump needs some mental assistance, no, no. The guy’s quite sharp, as sharp as anyone could be in that position. So that isn’t the issue. The question is how much can you master?

And how much should you master as the chief executive? And how much can you and should you delegate to your assistants who are delegating in turn to their assistants the way things work in any large organization of any kind, not just a government organization, but any private organization, any business, any educational institution, that’s how people work.

7:45
And so Trump, even if he’s not a universal genius and who expects that, to find that in the oval office, he has by his personal intuition found implementers of first-quality intelligence and talent. And I include in there Marco Rubio, whom some of, some very authoritative and serious people, were saying, my goodness, Rubio is shallow, Rubio has no real international experience, he’s not a diplomat, he’s not up to the job, how can he sit at negotiations with the doyen of international diplomacy Sergei Lavrov? Well, he did yesterday and it looked quite all right.

8:34
The main thing was tact, diplomacy, respect, notions which had disappeared from American foreign policy and diplomatic implementers for at least three years and maybe for 30 years. This suddenly reappeared. My point is that if you look at each of the developments in the last week, you find that they were meticulously planned and executed. And let’s go over them. I just think of one, since I’m in Brussels and all around me, there’s news of JD Vance’s speech to the Munich Security Conference.

9:18
And then follow on that, the news that already at the start of this week, on Tuesday in fact, there would be a high-level meeting between the Americans and the Russians to initiate talks about the peace agreement in Riyadh, without the presence of either the Ukrainians or the Europeans. And my goodness, what a to-do there was here. Everyone was talking about a seat at the table. And the Europeans here, well, they also read English. And they also know the American political wisdom that if you don’t have a seat at the table, it means you’re on the menu.

10:01
And they understood very well that they were on the menu. And they were very uncomfortable. Even “Le Monde”, “Le Monde” which has Sylvie Kaufman, who was for a number of years their editor in chief, for a number of years was their New York bureau chief, who is printed in op-ed pages of “Financial Times” and of the “New York Times” regularly. Sylvie Kauffman was fulminating. And in an article that was published yesterday, a long article, in “Le Monde”, which I believe she was a contributor to, if not the main author of, they called Vance’s speech hostile and fascist.

10:44
Note the word “fascist”. The American vice president is a fascist. This is coming out of the mouths of leftist European politicians. Well, that wasn’t an accident. He wanted them, Trump wanted them to see what the relations between us on the Ukrainian war really [are], that we are in opposite camps, that the Europeans are all the war camp and America is now in the peace camp.

11:13
So he alienated them, as he intended to do. Wasn’t an accident. It was a very well planned speech in which they were denounced for being their own greatest threat to their security, by being undemocratic and have nothing to defend or fight for, because they were behaving like Soviet nomenklatura. They were behaving in a way that deprives their population of freedom of speech and deprives substantial portions of the population in the populist parties in the right and left of the right to participate equally in political life. So Vance’s speech was main, a major point.

11:57
And then the announcement that there would be a meeting in Riyadh without the likes of Zelensky or Starmer or all the other warriors who wanted to frankly speak and foil the negotiations before they even could get going. So this was [a] master stroke. And there was an addition to that, also on the weekend, that the State Department sent out a questionnaire to all European countries saying, well, yeah, please tell us, send us back information on how many troop formations and what military materiel you’re going to supply, if you are going to take part in a peacekeeping mission to Ukraine to enforce the peace that may be signed. And Macron rode to the rescue. He convened six, seven country leaders, including of course Germany and Spain and Italy and the United Kingdom.

13:11
And there was also Mr. Rutte on behalf of NATO and there was Da Costa on behalf of the European Council, that is the governing body of the European institutions, which consists of the 29 heads of government. Da Costa was there. And of course, the inescapable, unavoidable Ursula von der Leyen. They all came, all the worthies came.

And you know what, after four and a half hours, they couldn’t agree on anything. So they left without answering the questionnaire from the States and validating the whole exercise. What was it about? It was to show that they are nobody, that there’s nobody home in Europe, and they’re all counting on getting the United States running the show and taking all the risks and expenses of enforcing the peace treaty. So these were not idle and separate actions.

14:20
They were all interconnected, and they had a mission of ensuring the success of the first high- level meeting between the United States and Russia in three, more than three years. So this is why the Russians first looked at Trump and they looked at what we were seeing, whom he appointed to these power ministries. And they said, my goodness, this fellow is not going to give us much comfort in his administration. And they looked at the same time at Elon Musk and the wrecking-ball activities that were also reflected in Trump’s first decrees upon taking office. And they said, you know, this fellow looks like our own Mikhail Gorbachev.

15:14
We had, just remember it’s a change of generation. Well, in the case of the States, it’s a three-year difference between Trump and Biden, but nonetheless, he’s surrounded himself with younger people, none younger, than his own vice president. And so it is indicative of a forthcoming change in generations. But most importantly, it’s the wrecking ball. This is what Gorbachov brought in with him.

It was a wrecking ball. And the consequences were, unfortunately for Russia, quite bad because he destroyed the economy by various measures that were ill-considered, and he destroyed the political structure by other measures that were ill-considered. And the political commentators on the talk show that I, one of the two main talk shows that I follow, this is “Evening with Vladimir Solovyov”, they were saying, the Americans are headed for the same chaos that we had. And they were sort of laughing about it. But they were serious at the same time.

16:20
It sounded familiar. We’d been there before. Just as they knew the case of Biden, they’d been there before also. They had their own problem of superannuated, senile or physically disabled leaders going from the end of the 70s into the first years of the 80s before Gorbachov, a new young generation, vital generation came to power. So they had seen that, and these are the negatives.

16:53
Then what I see now on the same show by the same panelists is they’re again saying, “This man is like Gorbachov”, but they’re putting Gorbachov in a much kinder light. This is Gorbachov, the peacemaker. Gorbachov, who at the same time, showed political skills which nobody else had. He was able to, because he was not a dictator in the sense of running the show himself. He had to deal with his fellow Communist Party officials at the very apex of the power structure of the Soviet Union, who could stymie his initiatives.

17:40
And so he shifted balance from the right side of opposition to himself, to the left side of opposition to himself. He kept his political opponents off balance, each side for a while thought that he was in their pocket,, and so they didn’t attack him. And he put through measures which none of them expected or really wanted in any way, because they saw what it was leading to, the end of the Soviet Union. Well, here we see the same talent of a feint to the right, a feint to the left, fooling all of us, including the whole lot of us in alternative media who think we’re pretty clever. And Trump got the better of us.

18:27
The man whom– it’s easy to say that he’s just a, you know, a hot-air artist, and he’s got his venal interests in being in the Oval Office because he’s going to get this deal or that deal for himself. All of these rather small-minded criticisms which are with us today as well. A colleague of mine told me about an article today in German press criticizing Trump for having plans to exploit Russia for bringing in the head of the Russian foreign investment organization because they want to speak about American investments, meaning exploitation in Russia. These people are missing the point intentionally. And I had a moment hesitation to say that. What Trump is doing now was utterly brilliant. It’s much more than I got for my lottery ticket when I voted for him in November.

You’re on mute.

Alkhorshid:
When you look at Donald Trump and the way that he’s talking about Zelensky right now, he says that Zelensky’s approval rating is now at four percent.

And I like him personally, but that doesn’t matter. These are huge statement on his part and the way that he sees Zelensky, it seems that he sees the same way that Russia sees Ukraine today. There has to be a presidential election in Ukraine because they don’t recognize Zelensky if Zelensky wants to be part of any sort of negotiation at any stage in the process of negotiating with Russia. How do you see the way that Donald Trump is literally destroying Zelensky by his comments?

Doctorow: 20:19
Let’s leave Russia out of it. I was listening to the BBC commentary this morning, and they were saying, “Ah yes, and Vladimir Putin is laughing at Europe over this” and so on. And my answer is, so what? And besides, did you see him laugh? He didn’t. That is an absolutely fake-news account. If they had said that he must be laughing, I could begin to accept that.

But when they say he is laughing, that’s fake news. It didn’t happen, they didn’t see it. And what is the relevance of that? The only thing that should be relevant is what Trump’s saying, true or not, Does this represent the real situation, or is it invented and artificial?

21:05
Now, the four percent, that’s an exaggeration. That’s in the range of, the Pinocchio-measurement range of Trump’s statements that the “Washington Post” has been carrying since his first term. However, what do you say about the 52-percent approval rating of Zelensky that the “Financial Times” publishes today, saying that it comes from a sociological institute in Kiev? Don’t we know how much that is worth? I would say less than nothing. Therefore, I forgive Trump for his exaggeration, because it’s merited by the utter propaganda that calls itself mainstream.

21:44
Whether the Russians like this or not is not relevant. The question is, is it true? Of course it’s true, what he was saying. Of course that he’s saying there have to be elections. Well, yes, Putin is saying that, but is Trump repeating it because he likes what Putin says?

No, he’s repeating it with a simple statement of legal fact. The man is an illegitimate dictator right now. I’m speaking of Zelensky. His term in office, oh yes, again, the British “Financial Times”, so how can you leave out the elected president of a sovereign state? “Sovereign” is an interesting word for Ukraine, which can’t live for two weeks without Western financial assistance and military assistance.

So sovereignty is fake news. And democratic, how can he be democratic if by their own constitution it’s almost a year that his legitimacy expired. So what Trump is doing, if he is saying the same things as Putin, it’s because Putin is saying what is true. And if you think that it is bad because Putin says it or likes it, then you have no interest in truth, justice or ending the war. You are only a belligerent.

23:16
And that is where all of Europe sits today. The whole damned elite structure, parasitical structure that calls itself European leadership, with two exceptions, Slovakia and Hungary, they have to be voided out of office. And that’s going to happen. As the peace process goes forward, there’s no way these people can present themselves as the war party. They will not have popular support.

Nobody wants to be interested in politics here. The indifference, passivity in Europe is manifest, because it seems like a vote counts for nothing. Here in Belgium, we had elections last June. It took them eight, nine, 10 months to constitute a new government on which the public had no expression, no vote. It’s all done behind closed doors between, I’d say, hereditary rulers here.

24:21
Therefore, the attack that Vance made on European democracy was much more true than he understood. I don’t think he knows what I know, because he doesn’t live here. He was dealing with some things that he could pick up correctly. What happened in Romania, that was scandalous and everybody knew about it. The exclusion of the Alternative for Deutschland and Jelinka from attendees at the Munich Security Conference, that is clear as day to JD Vance. So he didn’t need any coaching to understand that these countries are not democratic.

25:03
But it’s not– they’re much less democratic than he knows. Because as I say, he doesn’t live here. He doesn’t know anything about the structure of the European institutions. The, I mean, the general mantra in, among well-meaning people is the problem with European institutions is that they’re bureaucratic and the parliament does not really have power, that the executive, the Commission has the power and was not elected by people. That’s not true, That’s only partially true.

I’ve been in the European Parliament. I know how it works. And the problem is the Parliament itself, which is a top-down organization. Its composition is mandated by the heads of the leading centrist parties in Europe, particularly in Germany. And how everybody votes in the parliament is not on their own conscience. It’s dictated by the party leaders in Germany, France, and a few other countries who are told they’re given 150 items to vote on in one day, and they told, check, check, check, check, this is how you’re going to vote. And that’s what they do.

26:07
So Europe is a big problem in democracy, much more than JD Vance knows. But that’ll come out eventually as this wrecking ball continues to move.

Alkhorshid:
Europeans want to impose more sanctions, a new set of sanctions on Russia, which Rubio was talking about, that he said that we’re not going to support that in the process of negotiation with Russia.

On the other hand, today we’ve learned, “Financial Times” reported that 6 billion euros they’re going to send to Ukraine to support, in terms of military aid to Ukraine. What is with Europe, Gilbert, when you look at Europe today? They’re so in panic right now. And Macron tried to invite, as you’ve mentioned, four or five countries, and one of them is out of the European Union is United Kingdom. Czech, Czech Republic and Romania Slovenia were complaining that they were not invited to the first summit in Paris. And how can we understand the way that they’re trying?

Are they really clueless about what’s going on? Because without daddy being there, I’m talking about the United States, it seems that they don’t know what to do, they don’t know what to, how they can deal with the situation they’re in right now.

Doctorow: 27:40
You’re putting national interests and a leader’s interests as being aligned. I disagree, they’re not aligned. These people are concerned about themselves the same way that Netanyahu is concerned about himself, not about the fate of Israel.

They are concerned about holding onto power. That’s all they care about. The whole system here in Belgium, in Belgium I take it as an example, because I live here and I know the ugly details, but I assure you they’re not prettier in the other countries around us. The details are, as I said, division of power between the various parties that in no way reflects the popular vote. We have, there’s a lot of cynicism in the States and in other democracies about the value of vote.

28:23
Frankly speaking, when my wife and I registered for absentee ballots in the state of New York and we knew whom we were going to vote for and we knew the state is overwhelmingly democratic, we knew that our votes would have no reflection in the allowance of electors that New York has when the decision was made on who won. However, our votes counted in the overall popular vote, which gave Trump more than 50 percent. So we made our own little contribution to his getting more than 50 percent. Here in Belgium, we have very progressive– and other countries around us. They all operate on coalition governments, because they all have protections for minorities.

29:16
I don’t mean color or gender minorities, I mean minority political platforms. And so you have a lot of little parties that take away votes from the major parties. You don’t have a first-past-the-post system of voting. You have fractional voting, fractional results. Fractional results, it sounds wonderfully democratic, but ends up being extremely undemocratic.

Because they form coalitions and they allocate ministerial portfolios without asking the public, and without counting on the competence of the ministerial, ministers for the portfolios assigned to them. So we have– that is called institutionalized corruption, and it is manifest in almost all of the countries of the European Union. There are exceptions. France is an exception. It has mostly a dual competition for electoral victory.

30:24
Although the last elections didn’t work that way. And it wasn’t a single party, but a majority. Nonetheless, my point is that the positions of these leaders [have] nothing to do with national interests or what their voters think. It is– there is such a passivity that in the general population, which comes out even when the BBC gives people a microphone here on the street, that they don’t give a damn about any of these issues, because they know they have no control over the government policies. Their votes count for nothing, even if the votes are [mandated] that you have to vote or face fines, as is the case here in Belgium.

31:04
Therefore, I only look at these statements as being statements from the war party who are desperately afraid that the war will end and that party will be over. And they will no longer be invited for hot dogs on the 4th of July, on the lawn in front of the White House. The happy days may be coming to an end for them. And I say good riddance. These people have to go.

Alkhorshid: 31:34
How about putting troops? They’re talking about Europeans. Do you see the way that they’re talking about putting troops in the aftermath of any sort of permanent solution for the conflict in Ukraine. Is that acceptable? Did they talk about this things in the Russian media, on the Russian part, that Europeans really want– At least Starmer was talking about it, putting troops, 25 to 30,000 troops, on the ground in Ukraine.

Doctorow: 32:04
There are two issues where I can say that Trump has performed a master stroke. This is one of them. He didn’t say no to them, to the Europeans. You want to put in troops? Oh, yeah, of course, of course.

Let’s see, tell me how many you’re going to put up. First you have Starmer saying that this doesn’t work if we don’t have American backing, American logistical support and so forth. So there’s so much for their troops. Then they couldn’t reach agreement on whether they should send troops. You’ve got Germany saying, no, it’s premature, said Mr. Scholz. It’s inappropriate, said Mr. Scholz. The Spanish said, no, we don’t like this. Well, it fell apart.

32:51
And so Trump didn’t have to destroy it. He let them destroy it themselves. Because he knew very well that the Russians, for the Russians, this is unacceptable. But he didn’t say to the Europeans, this is unacceptable to the Russians. He said, “Okay, guys, show, put up or shut up.”

And the end result is shut up. Therefore, that is one case. Another case is the whole story of the mineral rights. Now there’s been an enormous discussion of this mineral rights question. People who otherwise want to present themselves as being peaceniks and on the right side of the angels are attacking Trump because we all know that he’s a buffoon, He’s self-interested, he’s materialistic, crass, vulgar, you name it.

So they want to say that, “Oh, you see how it is with Trump and demanding the rare earths of Ukraine? He just wants to exploit and hand out parcels of money to his good friends.” Well, my friends, you missed the point entirely. Trump did this because he knew that Zelensky would refuse. And he made this a condition of further American assistance.

We didn’t stop the assistance, will say Washington. Zelensky did, because he didn’t agree to give us guarantees. Now is that the move of a master politician or not? I say it is.

You’re muted.

Alkhorshid: 34:21
I don’t know if you saw the article in the Bloomberg. It says that Ukraine doesn’t have rare earth minerals.

Doctoeow:
Well look, they were just going to the same sources that I was using. It’s not correct to say they don’t have them. They have rare earth deposits in many different places, not just in the occupied, Russian-occupied eastern part.

By the estimates of Russian geological information, maybe 30 percent of those deposits are in the territory that the Russians now occupy. But that’s not the point. It’s not commercially viable. That’s the point. There are deposits of oil and gas around the whole world and dinosaurs didn’t all die in one place.

35:08,
Or vegetation didn’t all die in one place, that you have coal deposits only here or there. No, they’re all over the place on the planet Earth. But only in some places is it commercially viable to exploit them. And so it is with the rare earth in Ukraine.

Alkhorshid:
Yeah. You think that the way that Europe is trying to put pressure on Donald Trump or his administration. To what extent are they capable of changing the policy in Washington? Is that possible? Is that achievable in their mind? I’m talking about the mind of Europeans, I’m not talking about the way that Donald Trump sees Europe.

Doctorow: 35:53
Remember, Russians are still Europeans, right? And I can tell you what the Russians are saying on television. They’re saying, “Donald, watch your back.”

Alkhorshid:
But after all, Europe is– Do you think that these two summits, the first summit and Macron is just preparing for the second summit, inviting more countries to talk with. What would be the outcome of these political moves on the part of Europeans? Is there any sort of outcome in terms of influencing the decision makers in Washington?

Doctorow:
Well, they can certainly influence people in Washington, but they’re not the key decision-makers today. Lindsey Graham will go along with anything they say, that’s for sure, and he’s not alone in that. But he isn’t calling the shots any more. And I’d say, if he ever did.

And so let them invite Slovenia. How many troops to Slovenia have? They have some policemen, I understand that, but where’s their army? Around Europe, there are very few countries that have anything significant.

37:10
Here in Belgium, we have a navy. And we even have a head of the navy. I don’t know, we have five or six boats. Mostly they’re dredging. They’re not real naval vessels capable of warfare.

How many vessels do the Swedes, the Danes have to enforce their blockade of Russia in the Baltic Sea. These armies are mirage. Estonia, who would complain very loudly about being included? Of course, the Baltic states. Of course, Estonia complained.

“We weren’t there.” Although nominally, Denmark was supposed to represent them at the meetings in Paris on Monday. Nonetheless, that wasn’t good enough. Of course they went in. And these are the barking dogs.

These are the ones who want to insist that Putin cannot be trusted, that we have to enforce anything with our armies on the ground. Where’s their army? Who are they going to send? It is farcical. So the instincts of Macron in the beginning were correct.

He invited those countries that have a big enough army pool to actually contribute something. Now, what is contributing something? Even 20 or 30 thousand, I mean, that can be taken out by one tactical nuclear weapon, OK? All at one go.

38:45
Mr. Zelensky was talking about 200,000. There isn’t any 200,000 army force in Europe to locate there if you want to have any troops left in the homeland to protect you against the riots that are going to follow. I mean, the armies in most of these countries, including the one I live in, basically are there for domestic security as they always were. I remember very well when I first traveled to France in the 1970s, and every government building had special units of the military with submachine guns at the ready, day and night, 24 hours. That was the way it was.

39:31
And if you think it was different here in Belgium, you’re wrong. That was also the case in the 1970s. Now these are less visible today, but that’s what you have an army for, to protect you against your own people, not to go out and fight the Russians in Ukraine. Let’s be serious about it.

Alkhorshid: 39:47
Gilbert, the way that the administration in Washington, again, is talking about Keith Kellogg being in charge of negotiations with Russia. And Keith Kellogg, in his sort of talk at the Munich Security Conference said, not only the issue in Ukraine, but also the relationship or the partnership between Russia, North Korea, Russia, Iran, and Russia and China, these three countries, should be considered in any sort of concession that Russia would make for the United States. How is that realistic in your opinion when it comes to this sort of idea on their part?

Doctorow: 40:33
Well, let me break your question into two questions. One is who is Keith Kellogg today? Number two is what is the relationship between the geopolitical questions and the peace in Ukraine?

Mr. Kellogg, it’s been clear that he has been sidelined. He is in the game, but he’s in the game that doesn’t really count. He has been given responsibility for maintaining relations with the European Union and with Ukraine, and Zelensky. That’s to say to watch them, keep them, hold their hands so that they believe that some Americans really care about them. That’s it.

41:16
The actual serious negotiating side, to be carried out with the Russians, for that the presidential envoy or emissary is Witkoff. And Witkoff is a different creature from Kellogg entirely. He’s very diplomatic. He understands how negotiations can proceed with the Russians.

And all the fussing and foot stomping of the Ukrainians or of anybody here in European Union [doesn’t] count for anything. So that … part of it is pretty clear, who is who. What was the second side of it again?

Alkhorshid:
The partnership between Russia and three countries.

Doctorow: 42:06
Right. That comes under the heading of geopolitical discussions. And if you notice carefully what was said by the three negotiators, I forget which one just addressed this precisely yesterday. That is phase three, not phase one, not phase two. It is not, I did not have a sense that this is linked to the signing of a peace accord over Ukraine.

Now, what is phase one? Phase one is beginning immediately, that is restoration of normal functioning of the respective embassies and diplomatic corps of the United States and Russia in Washington. [It] probably means return to Russia of the stolen and illegally expropriated Russian properties in the United States, the reopening of consulates, although that is less pressing. The most pressing thing is allowing for the normal functioning of the embassies.

43:20
So they can’t function normally if they don’t have ambassadors. That is neither the United States nor Russia has its own ambassador in the other country. So there’s immediate discussion of who’s going to be sent by the States and who’s going to be sent by Russia to fulfill this task. Secondly, there is these little things that the United States was doing everything possible to make life miserable for the Russians. They called off all the bank accounts, including those of the diplomatic mission in the United States.

43:49
They cannot pay any salaried workers or any expenses they incur on American soil, because they don’t even have a working bank account. So all of these things have to be fixed at once. And that is why working teams for that [events] are being assigned presently. So that’s stage one. You can’t proceed with such a complex negotiation to reestablish the general points of interest between these two countries if there’s no diplomatic mission.

44:22
Point number two will be to proceed to discussion of a peace in Ukraine. As became clear from the press conference yesterday, the American delegation understood this is not going to be achieved in one week, two weeks or more. It also, eventually it’s going to bring in both the Ukrainians and the European Union. I believe that if you put it on a six-month timeline, then the Americans expect that there’ll be elections and that Zelensky will be legitimately gone without the need to assassinate him or do the other things that Americans have done for regime changes in the past. He’ll be voted out of office.

45:04
And then somebody who was voted in office, whoever it is, it could be, doesn’t mean there is going to be some hero, some white knight here, could be Poroshenko, who’s a little devil with his own horns, but it won’t be Mr. Zelensky. And that person will have the legitimate authority to sign whatever peace has to be signed. So I think it’s within the same time frame there’ll be elections and it’ll be the processing of the peace.

45:28
Then the third thing which can occur simultaneously but more likely in a longer range, is the geopolitical accommodation. It wasn’t called accommodation. It was just called geopolitical issues by Rubio and Witkoff and the national security advisor Mike Waltz. The three of them, I forget which one brought it up, but it was in their list. So that– and what does that mean? Let’s decode that. It means exactly what you’re saying. It means the United States wants to break the very close semi-alliance between Russia and China and with the other countries whom it has befriended and with whom it is actively working sanctions now or not like North Korea, Russia is [coughing] sanctions and proceeding at a very full-throated, very vital cooperation.

46:39
So the United States wants to break all that. The chances of success? It’s difficult to say what kind of accommodation, what kind of agreements the Russians can make, but it’s a hundred percent clear they will not break relations with China. That’s a hundred percent clear. That’s also a non-negotiable point. So– but as you’ll notice, that is not a precondition for the solution to the Ukraine war, that meets most, if not all of Russia’s primary objectives.

47:13
These are separate, they have been separate, three boxes here, obviously with different working groups on each of them. That there will be a meeting between Trump and Putin, probably in Riyadh, probably in the early days of March, I’d say that’s almost a certainty. How much they can sign off? I think they can sign off on issues relating to restoration of diplomatic missions, possibly relief from some of the sanctions. This will definitely include relieving certain banks from their present cutoff from SWIFT.

47:54
Some Russian banks will now, I think in stage one, at the time of the summit, they will be restored to operations as a sign of good faith by the Americans. Good faith is a key to it all. Going back to the issue of Mr. Gorbachev, which we started this discussion on, Gorbachev was extremely sharp, shrewd,
I’d say merciless in pursuing the implementation of his own program for reforming the Soviet Union and for out-foxing his immediate peers in the Soviet leadership. He seemed to be very naive and foolish in his dealings with the West.

48:48
And in particular, he has been held in contempt for not defending Russia’s national interests in matters like the return of the Soviet armed forces from their deployment in the Warsaw Pact countries. And for his handshake agreements with the American leadership on NATO not moving one inch to the east. He said, what kind of a fool, why didn’t he get written agreements? But looking at this from today’s perspective and from what is about to happen now between the United States and Russia, we have a lot of people on the sidelines including especially in the alternative media camp saying, “Ah, the Russians can’t trust the Americans about anything, and no written document be worth anything.” And that is only partially true.

49:48
The question is which Americans can you trust. And there has been a real disastrous decline in the level of personal morality and personal trustworthiness among people in high office in the United States. Mr. Gorbachev could well have assumed that a handshake was enough when you’re dealing with gentlemen. And he could make reference to the agreement between Khrushchev and Kennedy at the end of the Cuban Missile Crisis, which was only on a handshake, well, verbal commitment by Kennedy that if the Russians withdrew their forces from, their nuclear weapons from Cuba, America would withdraw its nuclear-enabled missiles in Turkey and Italy.

50:41
That was not public knowledge. If he wanted to double-cross Khrushchev, Kennedy had every possibility, but he didn’t, he kept his word. And I think that with a reference like that, Gorbachev also had a verbal agreement with the Americans who turned out to be card cheats. So I think you have to take people one by one and not generalize that every last American is a card cheat and that is not a very helpful way to proceed. And possibly Mr. Putin will be neither naive nor so cynical that he deprives himself of the peace.

Alkhorshid: 51:25
Gilbert, comparing Gorbachev to Putin. Gorbachev, when he tried to solve the issue with the West and to get better, to get closer to the West, he wasn’t Russia, so Soviet Union wasn’t that powerful in those days, military and economically. The situation today in Russia is totally different. They’re stronger, their economy is doing much better than it did before the conflict in Ukraine started.

These are huge guarantees for Russia, on the part of Russians, that the West has to abide by any sort of agreement that they’re going to reach in the future with Russia. This is the part– because when I talk with Jeffrey Sachs about Gorbachev, he said that in the United States they were arguing that Russia is defeated. Why we should have any sort of agreement with them? Why we should understand them? We have to put a lot of pressure on them right now.

52:27
But Russia today is not the way that it was during Gorbachev. It’s totally different. That would bring a huge, a significant change in any sort of talk or security agreement between the West and Russia. Russia is getting stronger economically and militarily. That’s a huge change that Gorbachev didn’t have in those days.

Doctorow: 52:56
Look, size is very important and this concerns Mr. Saxe included. Mr. Saxe was responsible and had a very important role in the transition to a market economy in Poland. He took lessons from that experience, which was fairly positive, although I have my reservations about how positive, that’s a separate issue.

Still for the public view, it looked very successful. And he took these to Russia, but Russia is a different scale from Poland. The economy was vastly larger, the territory is infinitely larger. And so all these parameters were different, and he didn’t take that into account. And so it is today when we speak about Russia having– Russia was on its back in the 1980s, 1990s I mean, and the Americans could well scorn it.

53:47
And certainly, Clinton did, despite the fact that even Yeltsin told him to his face that Russia will come back. Nobody believed it. I was in Russia in 1998. I was there when the economic collapse, the financial collapse, as a result of the financial crisis in Southeast Asia, it became global. Companies, Western companies, in the course of a year, fired half of their staff. Half of their staff.

I was in a company where I was spared, because I was overseeing the shutdown of our company or the half, a lot of our staff disappeared. And my eventual replacement was an Indian who was making one third of what I made and who counted for nothing in the company’s internal politics. The estimation was, looking at Thailand, that Russia would take 10 years to recover. Russia took two years to recover. And that was without Mr. Putin running the show. The country has vast potential, vast wealth and a vast number of very high quality managers, both in corporate life and government life.

55:00
Therefore, the estimations that were made in the 1980s and 1990s about Russia on the spiral down– and I include our Mr. John Mearsheimer in those who have disparaged Russia until the last few weeks– were saying for 10 years that Russia is, again, what mainstream was saying in the States, that Russia is just a spoiler, that Russia is on its way down, and the only country that counts is China. So a lot of very, very smart and very authoritative people were saying the same thing, that Russia is on a one-way track and therefore we don’t have to give them anything. And you know something? They were all wrong.

55:42
Of course, nobody could count on a man of genius in his own way and charisma in his own way. And who knew what he wanted from the beginning. And I’m speaking now about Vladimir Putin. Nobody could count on a national savior, which is what he turned out to be. But even absent Mr. Putin, in those two years from the financial collapse of 1998, when we foreign companies fired half of our staff in Russia because we felt the country had no prospects, we were all wrong. Two years later, Russia was back. We weren’t back, but they were back. So these things have to be taken into account. And again, I don’t mean to make criticisms of people with such renown as John Mearsheimer or my slight criticism here of Jeffrey Sachs.

56:34
I don’t mean any disrespect. I just mean to say universal geniuses don’t exist and it’s unreasonable to expect that any one of us will be a universal genius.

Alkhorshid:
Of course. Thank you so much, Gilbert, for being with us today. Great pleasure as always.

Doctorow:
Well, I appreciate your having me and a chance to, to set out some non-mainstream, non-conformist views.

‘Dialogue Works’ edition of 19 February: Trump OBLITERATES Zelensky with SHOCKING Comments

‘Dialogue Works’ edition of 19 February: Trump OBLITERATES Zelensky with SHOCKING Comments

Today’s session with host Nim Alkhorshid covered the waterfront of issues from the past week, including the headline title assigned to this video on youtube.

A substantially larger part was devoted to fleshing out the argument I presented in my latest essay on how and why the political skills that Donald Trump has exhibited since taking office are reminiscent of the terrific powers of political manipulation that Mikhail Gorbachev demonstrated till he finally lost his balance domestically and was forced to resign his presidency.

Trump has outwitted us all, for which I say kudos!  And this is being done for the sake of peace, not for the petty reasons of self-enrichment or glorification that his many detractors in the alternative media share with the dominant voices in mainstream.

And what do the Russians in the political talk shows now say about Trump?  “Watch your back!”

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

„Dialogue Works“-Ausgabe vom 19. Februar: Trump VERNICHTET Selensky mit SCHOCKIERENDEN Kommentaren

In der heutigen Sitzung mit Gastgeber Nima Alkhorshid wurden die wichtigsten Themen der vergangenen Woche behandelt, einschließlich des Titels, der diesem Video auf YouTube zugewiesen wurde.

Ein wesentlich größerer Teil war der Ausarbeitung des Arguments gewidmet, das ich in meinem neuesten Essay darüber dargelegt habe, wie und warum die politischen Fähigkeiten, die Donald Trump seit seinem Amtsantritt unter Beweis gestellt hat, an die großartigen Fähigkeiten der politischen Manipulation erinnern, die Michail Gorbatschow unter Beweis stellte, bis er schließlich innenpolitisch das Gleichgewicht verlor und gezwungen war, sein Amt als Präsident niederzulegen.

Trump hat uns alle überlistet, und dafür sage ich: Hut ab! Und das alles für den Frieden, nicht aus den kleinlichen Gründen der Selbstbereicherung oder Selbstverherrlichung, wie seine vielen Kritiker in den alternativen Medien gemeinsam mit den dominierenden Stimmen im Mainstream sagen.

Und was sagen die Russen in den politischen Talkshows jetzt über Trump? „Pass auf dich auf!“

Donald Trump: the Gorbachev of our times

Donald Trump:  the Gorbachev of our times

A couple of weeks ago, Russian political commentators were saying on the Evening with Vladimir Solovyov talk show that from his avalanche of first decrees upon his inauguration it seemed that this man was an American version of their own president Mikhail Gorbachev.

This was not meant as a compliment. The side of Gorbachev they had in mind was his wrecking ball approach to the Soviet economy and political order.  They looked upon Trump and especially his attack dog Elon Musk as creating chaos by his disruptive works that will lead to very strong reaction from his political opponents, finally neutralizing his reforms and weakening the country.

As of last night, panelists on this talk show were still comparing Trump to Gorbachev but in a very different, much more favorable way. They now focus on Trump’s apparently genuine efforts to bring about peace and also to his remarkable political skills which no one, in Russia or here in the West ever suspected.

That brings me back to what I and virtually everyone else in alternative media was saying about Trump shortly after he named his ‘power ministers,’ Michael Waltz as National Security Advisor, Marco Rubio as Secretary of State and Pete Hegseth as Secretary of Defense. The appointments were first explained by the fact that all of the appointees were rabid Zionists, in the pocket of the Israeli lobby. Then they were said to be incompetent. Some analysts in the alternative media remarked that Rubio is a lightweight, a man who could never be a match for the doyen of world diplomacy, Russia’s Sergei Lavrov.

Further compounding our confusion and initial disappointment with Trump’s nominations was his appointing General Keith Kellogg as his personal emissary to lead talks with the Russians and Ukrainians for a peace. No sooner was he named than Kellogg made utterly daft public statements on how he would bring the Russians to sue for peace on U.S. terms by threats to dramatically intensify the sanctions being applied to Russia and by supplying new, awesome offensive weapons to Kiev if Moscow did not come to heel.

Kellogg and several others in the Trump entourage said that the war was at a stalemate and that lives were now being lost daily for no purpose.

At a stalemate? we in the Opposition to the Washington narrative asked.   This suggested that Team Trump was receiving the same Kiev propaganda from their daily CIA input as had the Biden administration before it. The only glimpse of hope we remarked was that the lady carrying a candle of truth in the darkness, Tulsi Gabbard, would be confirmed as Director of National Intelligence, would kick the intelligence agencies in the butt and insist on their providing unbiased and well-founded daily reports for her to present to the President.

All of these suppositions about Trump have in the past week been proven to be dead wrong. What we have seen is the Donald Trump 90-minute phone conversation with Vladimir Putin agreeing on the path to a summit meeting that will resolve the Ukraine war in the context of a full re-set of US-Russian relations. We heard Pete Hegseth tell the Ukraine Coordinating organization in Brussels that NATO membership for Ukraine is improbable and that return of the country to its pre-war borders would not happen. We watched as Vice President J.D. Vance directly criticized the European Union member states for undermining their own security by their authoritarian, Soviet-like attacks on free speech at home, by their denial of political legitimacy to their own populist parties on the Right and on the Left, who represent millions of their fellow citizens, by their encouraging the Romanian authorities to cancel their latest presidential elections because the candidate favoring normal relations with Russia came out first.

The rift that Vance opened with the Europeans was widened to a broad chasm when matched with breaking news that US and Russian delegations would be meeting in Riyad yesterday to prepare the way for a resolution of the Ukraine war and that neither the Ukrainians nor the Europeans were invited to the table.  Nor would General Kellogg be present, because he was sidelined by Trump to look after relations with Ukraine and with the Europeans, while the presidential emissary to the talks with the Russians would be Trump confidant and recent facilitator of the Israeli-Hamas truce Steve Witkoff.

As Vance and Trump surely anticipated, the Vice President’s speech left the European high officials in the Munich Conference flustered, unbelieving, horrified.  The European press called his speech a diatribe, the worst attack on the West since Putin’s 2007 speech at the same venue. Yesterday’s Le Monde, a Left-leaning publication which generally is contemptuous of the Rightist domestic agenda of Trumpites, described the Vance speech as ‘hostile’ and ‘fascist’ in nature. There was the realization that Europe is on its own in its defense on the Continent, that the U.S. now is a questionable friend and an unreliable ally.

Washington did not invite the Europeans to the talks, but by way of ‘consultation’ invited them to fill out a questionnaire that demanded figures on troops and equipment that they were prepared to send to Ukraine as ‘peace-keepers’ to provide for Ukrainian security following conclusion of a peace treaty. This prompted Emmanuel Macron to invite the leaders of the key European supporters of Ukraine to a meeting in Paris on Monday to issue a joint statement on their contribution to peace-keeping.

Over the weekend, there was talk all around the European chanceries about ‘a place at the table’ of the peace talks that they were being denied.  I imagine they all were aware of the American political saying that ‘if you do not have a seat at the table, it means you are on the menu.’

As we now know, the European leaders, plus von der Leyen from the Commission, De Costa from the European Council and Mark Rutte representing NATO all failed to agree in Paris on putting together a contingent of peace-keepers.  Most remarkably Germany, Poland and Spain all said Nyet.  Sweden came up with a feeble ‘maybe.’  End of story. When pressed for a decision, the Europeans chose to shut up and not to put up, as poker players would say.  And I have little doubt that this was precisely what Team Trump expected to happen when it sent out the questionnaire.

At the press conference in Riyadh at the conclusion of their four and a half hour talks with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and with Presidential Foreign Policy advisor Yuri Ushakov, Rubio, Waltz and Witkoff spoke very well. They were very diplomatic, very much in control of the discourse with aggressive, unfriendly journalists from the press. They showed themselves to be loyal, shall we say deferential to the President whose will they were carrying out. They also appeared to be fully up to the task.

From what the American negotiators said and to what Lavrov added in his own remarks to Russian journalists when the talks were over, we understand that the first issue that they addressed was to restore normal staffing and operating procedures at the respective diplomatic missions in Washington and Moscow which had been cut to nearly zero under the Biden administration. This begins with the appointment and confirmation of ambassadors on each side. This is a precondition for successful work to prepare a summit of the national leaders that will address the many separate issues of common interest including peace in Ukraine.

The isolation of Russia, the arms’ distance approach of dealing with a pariah state: that is all finished, kaput.

Evidently the repair work on state-to-state relations will proceed in parallel and not be held up by talks on ending the war, which is now acknowledged as something that will take some time. The U.S. side recognizes that a permanent and broad relationship with Russia is essential to deal with global issues of interest to both nations.

This will bring the relationship to the third phase of talks:  about ‘geopolitical’ issues.  Here we may expect the U.S. to try to drive a wedge between Russia and China, and to try to agree on what role BRICS will have in the coming multipolar world while not fundamentally threatening U.S. interests.

The cherry on the cake was the press conference later yesterday that Donald Trump held at Mar a Lago. In answer to reporters’ questions on why Zelensky was excluded from the talks, he said that Zelensky had been at the table for three years, with no positive results.  As even today’s Financial Times recognizes in its article on the press conference, Trump was wholly dismissive of Zelensky and clearly wants to see him gone, removed by elections that the U.S. wants to be held within the context of the coming peace settlement. Trump remarked that Zelensky’s popularity rating in Ukraine has fallen to 4%. Compare that to the 52% support which the FT mentions with reference to polls by a sociological institute in Kiev.

                                                                         *****

What sense do I make of all the foregoing?

The negotiating methods that Trump used from inauguration day to present are a perfect example of the alternating feint to the right, feint to the left methods that Mikhail Gorbachev used from early in his presidency to keep his fellow members of the collective Soviet leadership submissive. This is what the panelists in Solovyov’s show understood from their close experience with this at home.

It is high time for Americans and Europeans now to appreciate these consummate political skills within Team Trump, and to wish him well.

Those in the alternative media, just like those in mainstream who try to kick the tires, saying that Trump is motivated by narrow financial interests or other personal considerations that come from his vanity are being small-minded and are intentionally missing the big picture.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2025

Translation into German below (Andreas Mylaeus)

Donald Trump: der Gorbatschow unserer Zeit

Vor ein paar Wochen sagten russische politische Kommentatoren in der Talkshow „Abend mit Vladimir Solovyov“, dass dieser Mann aufgrund der Lawine von ersten Dekreten nach seiner Amtseinführung wie eine amerikanische Version ihres eigenen Präsidenten Michail Gorbatschow wirke.

Das war nicht als Kompliment gemeint. Die Seite von Gorbatschow, an die sie dachten, war sein radikaler Ansatz zur Zerstörung der sowjetischen Wirtschaft und politischen Ordnung. Sie betrachteten Trump und insbesondere seinen Kampfhund Elon Musk als jemanden, der durch seine zerstörerische Arbeit Chaos stiftet, was zu einer sehr starken Reaktion seiner politischen Gegner führen wird, wodurch seine Reformen schließlich neutralisiert und das Land geschwächt werden.

Gestern Abend verglichen die Diskussionsteilnehmer in dieser Talkshow Trump immer noch mit Gorbatschow, aber auf eine ganz andere, viel positivere Weise. Sie konzentrieren sich nun auf Trumps scheinbar aufrichtige Bemühungen, Frieden zu schaffen, und auch auf seine bemerkenswerten politischen Fähigkeiten, die niemand in Russland oder hier im Westen je vermutet hätte.

Das bringt mich zurück zu dem, was ich und praktisch alle anderen in den alternativen Medien über Trump sagten, kurz nachdem er seine „Machtminister“ ernannt hatte, Michael Waltz als Nationalen Sicherheitsberater, Marco Rubio als Außenminister und Pete Hegseth als Verteidigungsminister. Die Ernennungen wurden zunächst damit erklärt, dass alle Ernannten fanatische Zionisten seien, die von der israelischen Lobby gekauft seien. Dann hieß es, sie seien inkompetent. Einige Analysten in den alternativen Medien bemerkten, dass Rubio ein Leichtgewicht sei, ein Mann, der dem Doyen der Weltdiplomatie, dem Russen Sergej Lawrow, niemals das Wasser reichen könne.

Unsere Verwirrung und anfängliche Enttäuschung über Trumps Nominierungen wurde noch verstärkt, als er General Keith Kellogg zu seinem persönlichen Abgesandten ernannte, der die Friedensgespräche mit den Russen und Ukrainern leiten sollte. Kaum war er ernannt worden, gab Kellogg völlig dumme öffentliche Erklärungen darüber ab, wie er die Russen dazu bringen würde, um Frieden zu US-Bedingungen zu bitten, indem er drohte, die gegen Russland verhängten Sanktionen drastisch zu verschärfen und neue, beeindruckende Angriffswaffen an Kiew zu liefern, falls Moskau nicht einlenken würde.

Kellogg und mehrere andere aus Trumps Gefolge sagten, dass der Krieg in einer Sackgasse stecke und dass nun täglich Menschen sinnlos ihr Leben lassen müssten.

In einer Sackgasse? – fragten wir in der Opposition zum Washingtoner Narrativ. Dies deutete darauf hin, dass das Team Trump die gleiche Kiew-Propaganda aus dem täglichen CIA-Input erhielt wie zuvor die Biden-Administration. Der einzige Hoffnungsschimmer, den wir bemerkten, war, dass die Frau, die eine Kerze der Wahrheit in der Dunkelheit trug, Tulsi Gabbard, als Direktorin des Nationalen Nachrichtendienstes bestätigt werden würde, den Geheimdiensten in den Hintern treten und darauf bestehen würde, dass sie ihr unvoreingenommene und fundierte tägliche Berichte vorlegen, die sie dem Präsidenten vorlegen kann.

All diese Annahmen über Trump haben sich in der vergangenen Woche als völlig falsch erwiesen. Wir haben gesehen, wie Donald Trump in einem 90-minütigen Telefongespräch mit Wladimir Putin den Weg für ein Gipfeltreffen ebnete, das den Ukraine-Krieg im Rahmen einer vollständigen Neuordnung der Beziehungen zwischen den USA und Russland beilegen soll. Wir hörten, wie Pete Hegseth der Koordinierungsorganisation für die Ukraine in Brüssel mitteilte, dass eine NATO-Mitgliedschaft der Ukraine unwahrscheinlich sei und dass eine Rückkehr des Landes zu seinen Vorkriegsgrenzen nicht stattfinden werde. Wir sahen, wie Vizepräsident J.D. Vance die Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union direkt dafür kritisierte, dass sie ihre eigene Sicherheit untergraben, indem sie zu Hause autoritäre, sowjetähnliche Angriffe auf die Redefreiheit verüben, indem sie ihren eigenen populistischen Parteien von rechts und links, die Millionen ihrer Mitbürger vertreten, die politische Legitimität verweigern, indem sie die rumänischen Behörden ermutigen, ihre jüngsten Präsidentschaftswahlen abzusagen, weil der Kandidat, der normale Beziehungen zu Russland befürwortet, als erster daraus hervorging.

Die Kluft, die Vance zwischen den Europäern aufgerissen hatte, wurde zu einem tiefen Abgrund, als bekannt wurde, dass sich die Delegationen der USA und Russlands gestern in Riad treffen würden, um den Weg für eine Lösung des Ukraine-Krieges zu ebnen, und dass weder die Ukrainer noch die Europäer an den Gesprächen teilnehmen würden. Auch General Kellogg war nicht anwesend, da er von Trump davon entbunden wurde, sich um die Beziehungen zur Ukraine und zu den Europäern zu kümmern, während der Gesandte des Präsidenten für die Gespräche mit den Russen der Trump-Vertraute und jüngste Vermittler des Waffenstillstands zwischen Israel und der Hamas, Steve Witkoff, sein sollte.

Wie Vance und Trump sicherlich erwartet hatten, hinterließ die Rede des Vizepräsidenten bei den europäischen Spitzenbeamten auf der Münchner Konferenz Verwirrung, Unglauben und Entsetzen. Die europäische Presse bezeichnete seine Rede als Schmährede, als schlimmsten Angriff auf den Westen seit Putins Rede 2007 am selben Ort. Die gestrige Le Monde, eine linksgerichtete Publikation, die die rechte innenpolitische Agenda der Trump-Anhänger im Allgemeinen verachtet, bezeichnete die Rede von Vance als „feindselig“ und „faschistisch“. Es wurde erkannt, dass Europa bei seiner Verteidigung auf dem Kontinent auf sich allein gestellt ist und dass die USA nun ein fragwürdiger Freund und ein unzuverlässiger Verbündeter sind.

Washington lud die Europäer nicht zu den Gesprächen ein, sondern forderte sie im Rahmen einer „Konsultation“ auf, einen Fragebogen auszufüllen, in dem Zahlen zu Truppen und Ausrüstung abgefragt wurden, die sie bereit waren, als „Friedenstruppen“ in die Ukraine zu entsenden, um nach Abschluss eines Friedensvertrags für die Sicherheit der Ukraine zu sorgen. Dies veranlasste Emmanuel Macron, die Staats- und Regierungschefs der wichtigsten europäischen Unterstützer der Ukraine am Montag zu einem Treffen in Paris einzuladen, um eine gemeinsame Erklärung über ihren Beitrag zur Friedenssicherung abzugeben.

Am Wochenende war in allen europäischen Kanzleien von einem „Platz am Tisch“ der Friedensgespräche die Rede, der ihnen verweigert wurde. Ich kann mir vorstellen, dass sie alle das amerikanische politische Sprichwort kannten: „Wenn du keinen Platz am Tisch hast, bedeutet das, dass du auf der Speisekarte stehst.“

Wie wir jetzt wissen, konnten sich die europäischen Staats- und Regierungschefs sowie von der Leyen von der Kommission, De Costa vom Europäischen Rat und Mark Rutte als Vertreter der NATO in Paris nicht auf die Aufstellung eines Kontingents von Friedenstruppen einigen. Bemerkenswerterweise sagten Deutschland, Polen und Spanien alle „Njet“. Schweden kam mit einem schwachen „Vielleicht“. Ende der Geschichte. Als sie zu einer Entscheidung gedrängt wurden, entschieden sich die Europäer dafür, den Mund zu halten und nicht den Einsatz zu bringen, wie Pokerspieler sagen würden. Und ich habe kaum Zweifel, dass das genau das war, was das Team Trump erwartet hatte, als es den Fragebogen verschickte.

Auf der Pressekonferenz in Riad zum Abschluss ihrer viereinhalbstündigen Gespräche mit dem russischen Außenminister Sergej Lawrow und dem außenpolitischen Berater des Präsidenten, Juri Uschakow, haben Rubio, Waltz und Witkoff sehr gut gesprochen. Sie waren sehr diplomatisch und hatten die Diskussion mit aggressiven, unfreundlichen Journalisten aus der Presse sehr gut im Griff. Sie zeigten sich loyal, sagen wir, respektvoll gegenüber dem Präsidenten, dessen Willen sie ausführten. Sie schienen auch der Aufgabe voll und ganz gewachsen zu sein.

Nach den Aussagen der amerikanischen Unterhändler und den eigenen Bemerkungen Lawrows gegenüber russischen Journalisten nach Abschluss der Gespräche zu urteilen, war das erste Thema, das sie ansprachen, die Wiederherstellung der normalen Personal- und Betriebsabläufe in den jeweiligen diplomatischen Vertretungen in Washington und Moskau, die unter der Biden-Regierung fast auf Null reduziert worden waren. Dies beginnt mit der Ernennung und Bestätigung von Botschaftern auf beiden Seiten. Dies ist eine Voraussetzung für die erfolgreiche Vorbereitung eines Gipfeltreffens der Staats- und Regierungschefs, bei dem die vielen verschiedenen Themen von gemeinsamem Interesse, einschließlich des Friedens in der Ukraine, erörtert werden.

Die Isolierung Russlands, der Ansatz des distanzierten Vorgehens im Umgang mit einem Paria-Staat: Das ist alles vorbei, kaput (sic!).

Die Reparaturarbeiten an den Beziehungen zwischen den Staaten werden offensichtlich parallel fortgesetzt und nicht durch Gespräche über die Beendigung des Krieges aufgehalten, von dem man jetzt weiß, dass er noch einige Zeit andauern wird. Die USA erkennen an, dass eine dauerhafte und umfassende Beziehung zu Russland unerlässlich ist, um globale Fragen zu behandeln, die für beide Nationen von Interesse sind.

Damit tritt die Beziehung in die dritte Gesprächsphase ein: die Gespräche über „geopolitische“ Fragen. Hier können wir erwarten, dass die USA versuchen werden, einen Keil zwischen Russland und China zu treiben und sich auf die Rolle zu einigen, die BRICS in der kommenden multipolaren Welt spielen wird, ohne dabei die Interessen der USA grundlegend zu gefährden.

Das Sahnehäubchen war die Pressekonferenz, die Donald Trump gestern später in Mar a Lago abhielt. Auf die Frage der Reporter, warum Selensky von den Gesprächen ausgeschlossen wurde, antwortete er, dass Selensky drei Jahre lang am Tisch gesessen habe, ohne dass es zu positiven Ergebnissen gekommen sei. Wie selbst die heutige Financial Times in ihrem Artikel über die Pressekonferenz einräumt, hat Trump Zelensky völlig abgelehnt und möchte ihn eindeutig loswerden, indem er durch Wahlen entfernt wird, die die USA im Rahmen der bevorstehenden Friedensregelung abgehalten sehen wollen. Trump bemerkte, dass Zelenskys Beliebtheitswert in der Ukraine auf 4 % gesunken ist. Vergleichen Sie das mit der 52-prozentigen Unterstützung, die die FT unter Berufung auf Umfragen eines soziologischen Instituts in Kiew erwähnt.

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Was bedeutet das alles für mich?

Die Verhandlungsmethoden, die Trump seit seiner Amtseinführung anwendet, sind ein perfektes Beispiel für die abwechselnden Finten nach rechts und links, die Michail Gorbatschow seit Beginn seiner Präsidentschaft einsetzte, um seine Kollegen in der kollektiven sowjetischen Führung gefügig zu halten. Das ist es, was die Diskussionsteilnehmer in Solowjows Show aus ihrer eigenen Erfahrung damit zu Hause verstanden haben.

Es ist höchste Zeit, dass Amerikaner und Europäer diese vollendeten politischen Fähigkeiten im Team Trump zu schätzen wissen und ihm alles Gute wünschen.

Diejenigen in den alternativen Medien, genau wie diejenigen im Mainstream, die versuchen, Trump auf den Zahn zu fühlen, indem sie sagen, dass er von engen finanziellen Interessen oder anderen persönlichen Überlegungen, die aus seiner Eitelkeit resultieren, motiviert ist, sind kleingeistig und lassen absichtlich das große Ganze außer Acht.

Translation below into Spanish (Chod Zom)

Donald Trump: el Gorbachov de nuestro tiempo

Hace un par de semanas, los comentaristas políticos rusos decían en el programa de entrevistas Evening with Vladimir Solovyov que, por su avalancha de primeros decretos tras su toma de posesión, parecía que este hombre era una versión americana de su propio presidente Mijaíl Gorbachov.

Esto no pretendía ser un cumplido. El lado de Gorbachov que tenían en mente era su enfoque de bola de demolición de la economía soviética y el orden político. Consideraban que Trump, y especialmente su perro de presa Elon Musk, estaban creando el caos con sus obras disruptivas, que provocarían una reacción muy fuerte de sus oponentes políticos, neutralizando finalmente sus reformas y debilitando al país.

A partir de anoche, los panelistas de este programa de entrevistas seguían comparando a Trump con Gorbachov, pero de una manera muy diferente, mucho más favorable. Ahora se centran en los esfuerzos aparentemente genuinos de Trump por lograr la paz y también en sus notables habilidades políticas que nadie, ni en Rusia ni aquí en Occidente, sospechó jamás.

Eso me lleva de vuelta a lo que yo, y prácticamente todos los demás en los medios alternativos, estábamos diciendo sobre Trump poco después de que nombrara a sus ‘ministros del poder’, Michael Waltz como Asesor de Seguridad Nacional, Marco Rubio como Secretario de Estado y Pete Hegseth como Secretario de Defensa. Los nombramientos se explicaron primero por el hecho de que todos los designados eran sionistas rabiosos, en el bolsillo del lobby israelí. Luego se dijo que eran incompetentes. Algunos analistas de los medios alternativos señalaron que Rubio es un peso ligero, un hombre que nunca podría estar a la altura del decano de la diplomacia mundial, el ruso Sergei Lavrov.

Lo que agravó aún más nuestra confusión y decepción inicial con las nominaciones de Trump, fue el nombramiento del general Keith Kellogg como su emisario personal para dirigir las conversaciones de paz con rusos y ucranianos. aún más nuestra confusión y decepción inicial con los nombramientos de Trump. Tan pronto como fue nombrado, Kellogg hizo declaraciones públicas totalmente tontas sobre de cómo haría para que los rusos pidieran la paz en los términos de Estados Unidos, mediante amenazas de intensificar drásticamente las sanciones aplicadas a Rusia y mediante el suministro de nuevas e impresionantes armas ofensivas a Kiev si Moscú no se doblegaba.

Kellogg y varias otras personas del entorno de Trump dijeron que la guerra estaba en un punto muerto y que ahora se perdían vidas a diario sin ningún propósito.

¿En un punto muerto? preguntamos nosotros en la oposición a la narrativa de Washington. Esto sugería que el equipo de Trump estaba recibiendo la misma propaganda de Kiev en su informe diario de la CIA, como antes lo había hecho la administración de Biden. El único atisbo de esperanza que apuntábamos, era que la dama que lleva una vela de verdad en la oscuridad, Tulsi Gabbard, fuera confirmada como Directora de Inteligencia Nacional, y diera una patada en el trasero a las agencias de inteligencia e insistiera en que le proporcionaran informes diarios imparciales y bien fundamentados para que ella se los presentara al Presidente.

La semana pasada se demostró que todas estas suposiciones sobre Trump eran totalmente erróneas. Lo que hemos visto es la conversación telefónica de 90 minutos de Donald Trump con Vladimir Putin acordando el camino hacia una cumbre que resuelva la guerra de Ucrania en el contexto de un replanteamiento total de las relaciones entre Estados Unidos y Rusia. Hemos oído a Pete Hegseth decir a la organización coordinadora de Ucrania en Bruselas que el ingreso de Ucrania en la OTAN es improbable y que el retorno del país a sus fronteras anteriores a la guerra no se produciría. Hemos visto cómo el vicepresidente J.D. Vance criticaba directamente a los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea por socavar su propia seguridad con sus ataques autoritarios, de tipo soviético, contra la libertad de expresión en sus países, con su negación de dar legitimidad política a sus propios partidos populistas de derecha e izquierda, que representan a millones de sus conciudadanos, con su aliento a las autoridades rumanas para que anularan sus últimas elecciones presidenciales porque el candidato partidario de unas relaciones normales con Rusia salió primero.

La brecha que Vance abrió con los europeos se ensanchó hasta convertirse en un amplio abismo cuando coincidió con la noticia de última hora de que delegaciones estadounidenses y rusas se reunirían ayer en Riad para preparar el camino hacia una resolución de la guerra de Ucrania y que ni los ucranianos ni los europeos estaban invitados a la mesa.  Tampoco estaría presente el general Kellogg, porque fue marginado por Trump para que se ocupe de las relaciones con Ucrania y los europeos, mientras que el emisario presidencial a las conversaciones con los rusos sería el confidente de Trump, y reciente facilitador de la tregua entre Israel y Hamás, Steve Witkoff.

Como seguramente anticiparon Vance y Trump, el discurso del vicepresidente dejó a los altos cargos europeos en la Conferencia de Múnich desconcertados, incrédulos, horrorizados. La prensa europea calificó su discurso de diatriba, el peor ataque a Occidente desde el discurso de Putin en 2007 en el mismo lugar. Ayer, Le Monde, una publicación de tendencia izquierdista que generalmente desprecia la agenda interna derechista de los trumpistas, describió el discurso de Vance como de naturaleza «hostil» y «fascista». Se constató que Europa está sola en su defensa del Continente, que Estados Unidos es ahora un amigo cuestionable y un aliado poco fiable.

Washington no invitó a los europeos a las conversaciones, sino que, a modo de «consulta», los invitó a rellenar un cuestionario que pedía cifras sobre las tropas y el equipo que estaban dispuestos a enviar a Ucrania como «fuerzas de paz» para garantizar la seguridad ucraniana tras la conclusión de un tratado de paz. Esto llevó a Emmanuel Macron a invitar a los líderes de los principales partidarios europeos que apoyan a Ucrania, a una reunión en París el lunes, para emitir una declaración conjunta sobre su contribución al mantenimiento de la paz.

Durante el fin de semana, en todas las cancillerías europeas se habló de «un sitio en la mesa» de las conversaciones de paz ,que se les estaba negando. Imagino que todos conocían el dicho político estadounidense de que «si no tienes un sitio en la mesa, significa que estás en el menú».

Como ahora sabemos, los líderes europeos, además de von der Leyen de la Comisión, De Costa del Consejo Europeo y Mark Rutte en representación de la OTAN, no lograron ponerse de acuerdo en París para formar un contingente de fuerzas de paz. Lo más destacable es que Alemania, Polonia y España, todos, dijeron «Nyet». Suecia respondió con un débil «tal vez». Fin de la historia. Cuando se les presionó para que tomaran una decisión, los europeos optaron por callar y no poner, como dirían los jugadores de póquer. Y no me cabe duda de que esto era precisamente lo que el equipo de Trump esperaba que ocurriera cuando envió el cuestionario.

En la rueda de prensa en Riad al término de sus conversaciones de cuatro horas y media con el ministro ruso de Asuntos Exteriores, Sergei Lavrov, y con el asesor presidencial de Política Exterior, Yuri Ushakov, Rubio, Waltz y Witkoff hablaron muy bien. Estuvieron muy diplomáticos, controlaron muy bien el discurso con periodistas agresivos y poco amistosos de la prensa. Se mostraron leales, digamos deferentes, al Presidente cuya voluntad cumplían. También parecieron estar plenamente a la altura de la tarea.

Por lo que dijeron los negociadores estadounidenses y por lo que Lavrov añadió en sus propias declaraciones a los periodistas rusos cuando terminaron las conversaciones, entendemos que la primera cuestión que abordaron fue restablecer la dotación normal de personal y los procedimientos operativos en las respectivas misiones diplomáticas en Washington y Moscú, que se habían reducido casi a cero bajo la administración Biden. Esto comienza con el nombramiento y la confirmación de embajadores en cada lado. Se trata de una condición previa para preparar con éxito una cumbre de los líderes nacionales en la que se aborden las numerosas cuestiones de interés común, incluida la paz en Ucrania.

El aislamiento de Rusia, el enfoque de poner distancia para tratar con un Estado paria: todo eso está acabado, kaput.

Evidentemente, el trabajo de reparación de las relaciones entre Estados se llevará a cabo en paralelo y no se verá retrasado por las conversaciones sobre el fin de la guerra, que ahora se reconoce que llevará algún tiempo. La parte estadounidense reconoce que una relación permanente y amplia con Rusia es esencial para tratar cuestiones globales de interés para ambas naciones.

Esto llevará la relación a la tercera fase de las conversaciones: sobre cuestiones «geopolíticas».  Aquí cabe esperar que Estados Unidos intente abrir una brecha entre Rusia y China, y que trate de ponerse de acuerdo sobre el papel que tendrán los BRICS en el próximo mundo multipolar sin amenazar fundamentalmente los intereses estadounidenses.

La guinda del pastel fue la rueda de prensa que Donald Trump ofreció ayer en Mar a Lago. En respuesta a las preguntas de los periodistas sobre por qué Zelensky fue excluido de las conversaciones, dijo que Zelensky había estado en la mesa durante tres años, sin resultados positivos. Como reconoce incluso el Financial Times de hoy en su artículo sobre la rueda de prensa, Trump se mostró totalmente despectivo con Zelensky y claramente quiere verlo fuera, eliminado por unas elecciones que EE.UU. quiere que se celebren en el contexto del próximo acuerdo de paz. Trump señaló que el índice de popularidad de Zelensky en Ucrania ha caído al 4%. Compárese con el 52% de apoyo que menciona el FT en referencia a las encuestas de un instituto sociológico de Kiev.

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¿Qué sentido tiene todo lo anterior?

Los métodos de negociación que Trump utilizó desde el día de la toma de posesión hasta el presente son un ejemplo perfecto de los métodos de alternar con una finta a la derecha, y una finta a la izquierda que Mijaíl Gorbachov utilizó desde el principio de su presidencia para mantener sumisos a sus compañeros de la dirección colectiva soviética. Esto es lo que los panelistas del programa de Solovyov entendieron por su experiencia cercana con esto en casa.

Ya es hora de que los estadounidenses y los europeos aprecien estas consumadas habilidades políticas dentro del Equipo Trump, y le deseen lo mejor.

Los que en los medios alternativos, al igual que los que en la corriente dominante, que intentan patear los neumáticos[1], dicen que Trump está motivado por estrechos intereses financieros u otras consideraciones personales que provienen de su vanidad, son de mente estrecha y están pasando por alto intencionalmente el panorama general.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2025


[1]Figurativo. ”try to kick the tires” = probar o examinar algo detenidamente antes de comprarlo.