‘Dialogue Works’ edition of 13 February: Good news to share

It was a pleasure discussing with host Nima Alkhorshid the very positive news that came out of Washington and out of Moscow yesterday indicating that we may finally be seeing the light at the end of the tunnel that we call the Russia-Ukraine war.

I have set out the major points on reasons for optimism in my latest essay analyzing the message of Donald Trump on his Truth Social platform with respect to the 90-minute phone call he had with Vladimir Putin, and also analyzing the speech US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth delivered here in Brussels to the Coordinating Group responsible for assistance to Kiev.  This discussion with Nima Alkhorshid was an opportunity to dig deeper and to share more reasons for optimism.

Shock and awe: News of Donald Trump’s 90-minute phone conversation with Vladimir Putin

Shock and awe: News of Donald Trump’s 90-minute phone conversation with Vladimir Putin

13 February 2025

News of the 90-minute telephone call between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin came late in the day in Europe, but not too late for the Evening with Vladimir Solovyov show broadcast at midnight from Moscow to have devoted its opening segment to this breaking news.  Indeed, the host put up on the screen the full text of Donald Trump’s description of the call on his Truth Social platform as well as the taped remarks of Dmitry Peskov, spokesman to the Russian President, giving the Kremlin’s version of the call.

Solovyov’s demeanor was restrained, though there was the hint of a smile on his face. There was a hint of regret that he had had no foreknowledge , that he learned about the phone call at the same time as we all did.

Looking over the text on Truth Social, he pointed out that the language was diplomatic. Vladimir Putin was referred to as ‘President Putin.’ The words ‘aggressor,’ ‘unprovoked,’ and similar derogatory, propagandistic words used habitually during the Biden administration in relation to the Russian leader and his ‘full scale invasion of Ukraine’ were absent. Very importantly, Trump mentioned the cooperation of the United States and Russia in World War II. He called out the millions of Russians who died in the war as well as ‘many Americans,’ properly indicating who had paid the cost of fighting Nazism more fully.

Implicit in this was the notion that the two countries could have a cooperative relationship again today. Such a notion was further suggested by mention that their talks went well beyond the issue of the Ukraine war and also touched upon energy matters, the general situation in the Middle East, the Iran nuclear program and upon Artificial Intelligence.

Very importantly and providing grounds for encouragement, the presidents had spoken of reciprocal visits to each other’s countries. Finally, Solovyov pointed out that per Peskov’s summary President Putin had remained firm on Russia’s conditions for a peace, namely that the causes that lay behind the decision to invade, the need to revise the security architecture of Europe and to roll back NATO, be addressed.

For once, Solovyov let his panelists do most of the talking and the various perspectives they presented were well considered and worth summarizing here.

They found it to be very significant that Trump made no mention of the European allies, as if they do not exist. We are left to assume that any settlement of the conflict raging in Ukraine will be arrived at by the United States and Russia acting alone. No Brits at the table, no European Commission president. No Zelensky with his begging bowl. Just the two superpowers.

Since Trump spoke of a visit to Russia that could take place in the near future given his wish to end the confrontation as soon as possible, perhaps they both had sketched 9 May on their agendas as the tentative date. After all, during his first presidency Trump had hoped to come to the Victory Parade in 2020 but was dissuaded from doing so by his advisors since it could have a negative impact on his chances in the November elections.

From that speculation on dates, one panelist noted that perhaps the Chinese leader Xi could also show up in Moscow for the Parade, setting the stage for three-way parlays. Solovyov could not let the opportunity pass and said it would be still better if the three adjourned to the Crimea to continue their talks.

These are tough times and the Russians take their laughs where and when they can.

It is essential to mention the attention that panelists gave to the list of members in the working group that Trump has just named to advance the talks with Russia on a peace plan. Specifically we see that General Keith Kellogg, the Cold Warrior whose views were shaped by his participation in the Vietnam War, the man who was named as Trump’s emissary for talks with the Russians and Ukrainians even before Trump took office is de-listed and his place is taken by Steve Witkoff, fellow real estate developer in New York and Trump friend from the 1980s. Witkoff is the one who compelled Benjamin Netanyahoo  to agree to a cease-fire in Gaza in the days just prior to Trump’s inauguration. He was then named as Trump’s emissary for talks with Teheran. And he is the one who flew on his private jet to Moscow last week and secured the release of an American school teacher who was imprisoned on drugs charges and has been imprisoned for three years. The circumstances of the release have not been discussed in any depth by mainstream media, but per the Russians Witkoff spent three and a half hours in talks with top Russian leadership and we may assume the talks were preparatory to what Donald Trump spoke about with Vladimir Putin yesterday.

One panelist noted that Trump’s talk with Putin also has to be linked with what U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said earlier in the day within his introductory remarks to the Ukraine Contact Group in Brussels. The main points in this were: no to Ukraine joining NATO, no to Ukraine ever recovering its 2014 borders, no American troops participating in any ‘peace keeping force’ to protect Ukraine as part of the peace settlement, the idea that such a force should consist of both European and non-European member countries, no extension of NATO’s article 5 provisions to such a peacekeeping force, the division of labor between the United States and its European NATO allies whereby the USA will redirect its attention to China and the Far East while the Europeans look after their own defense for conventional warfare on their Continent and raise their own defense budgets from 2% to 5% to achieve that move up from its present dependency on the United States.

I fully agree with the importance that the Solovyov panelists gave to Hegseth’s speech for the way it fills out our understanding of what Trump may have discussed with Putin to reach the positive outcome and expectations that a peace in Ukraine is within reach.

At the same time, I call attention to the contrast between the high sounding and reassuring words in which Hegseth wrapped his speech and the absolutely empty contents from the standpoint of his audience. The high-sounding words ‘Peace through Strength’ were repeated several times, but behind this façade was a vacuum that must have left his audience shocked. The overarching idea was that the Ukraine war is being handed over to the Europeans to pursue as they wish. This handover was symbolized by the Brits assuming the direction of the Ramstein meetings of countries supporting Ukraine militarily the day before.

I also consider it important that Hegseth put the leverage that the United States is believed by super patriots and war mongers to exert over Russia to force peace negotiations in terms which made it clear that the leverage is actually non-existent. He spoke of ‘drill baby drill’ as the way Trump would increase petroleum supplies to the global market and thereby sink prices and deprive Putin of export earnings to finance his war. The timetable for such a method to take effect can be measured in years, not days. And given the contradiction between lowering petroleum prices to the stated target of $45 and simultaneously inducing American companies to invest in further drilling makes this scenario problematic.

The United States evidently sees its division of labor with Europe to mean that the United States will continue to provide its ‘nuclear umbrella’ as a deterrent to nuclear attack but will no longer contribute to defense for conventional warfare as has been going on in Ukraine. The implication of this is that there will be a draw-down of U.S. forces across Europe.  The further implication is that when the Europeans understand they cannot on their own stand up to the Russian armies, then they will on their own understand that they have to make some accommodation with the Russians on Europe-wide security.

I also note the timing of yesterday’s phone call to Moscow and Pete Hegseth’s tough statement of the new real-world relations with Europe. It comes a week after Trump left the EU leaders shaking in their boots over the coming trade war with the USA over tariffs, not to mention their shock at Trump’s plans to seize Greenland over the objections of the island’s colonial overlord Denmark. It comes 11 days before the Germans go the polls in their federal elections, where the favored candidate to become the next chancellor, Friedrich Merz, has been campaigning on a Cold War platform that Trump just shot to hell.

There could have been no better boost to the chances of Alice Weidel and the Alternative for Germany than what Trump & Company did yesterday.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2025

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Schock und Ehrfurcht: Nachrichten über das 90-minütige Telefongespräch von Donald Trump mit Wladimir Putin

Die Nachricht über das 90-minütige Telefongespräch zwischen Donald Trump und Wladimir Putin kam in Europa erst spät am Tag, aber nicht zu spät für die Sendung „Abend mit Vladimir Solovyov“, die um Mitternacht aus Moskau ausgestrahlt wurde und ihren Eröffnungsteil diesen aktuellen Nachrichten widmete. Tatsächlich zeigte der Moderator auf dem Bildschirm den vollständigen Text von Donald Trumps Beschreibung des Anrufs auf seiner Plattform „Truth Social“ sowie die aufgezeichneten Bemerkungen von Dmitri Peskow, dem Sprecher des russischen Präsidenten, der die Version des Kremls über den Anruf darlegte.

Solowjows Haltung war zurückhaltend, obwohl ein Hauch von Lächeln auf seinem Gesicht zu sehen war. Er gab zu, dass er es bedauerte, nichts geahnt zu haben und erst zur gleichen Zeit wie wir alle von dem Telefonat erfahren zu haben.

Beim Durchlesen des Textes auf Truth Social wies er darauf hin, dass die Sprache diplomatisch sei. Wladimir Putin wurde als „Präsident Putin“ bezeichnet. Die Worte „Aggressor“, „unprovoziert“ und ähnliche abfällige, propagandistische Worte, die während der Biden-Regierung gewöhnlich in Bezug auf den russischen Staatschef und seine „vollständige Invasion der Ukraine“ verwendet wurden, fehlten. Sehr wichtig war, dass Trump die Zusammenarbeit der Vereinigten Staaten und Russlands im Zweiten Weltkrieg erwähnte. Er erinnerte an die Millionen von Russen, die im Krieg starben, sowie an „viele Amerikaner“ und wies damit darauf hin, wer den Preis für den Kampf gegen den Nationalsozialismus in vollem Umfang getragen hatte.

Darin impliziert war die Vorstellung, dass die beiden Länder heute wieder eine kooperative Beziehung haben könnten. Diese Vorstellung wurde auch durch die Erwähnung nahegelegt, dass ihre Gespräche weit über das Thema des Ukraine-Krieges hinausgingen und auch Energiefragen, die allgemeine Lage im Nahen Osten, das iranische Atomprogramm und die künstliche Intelligenz betrafen.

Sehr wichtig und ermutigend war, dass die Präsidenten von gegenseitigen Besuchen in den Ländern des jeweils anderen gesprochen hatten. Abschließend wies Solowjow darauf hin, dass Präsident Putin laut Peskovs Zusammenfassung an den Bedingungen Russlands für einen Frieden festhielt, nämlich dass die Gründe, die hinter der Entscheidung für eine Invasion standen, nämlich die Notwendigkeit, die Sicherheitsarchitektur Europas zu überarbeiten und die NATO zurückzudrängen, angegangen werden müssten.

Ausnahmsweise überließ Solowjow den meisten Redebeitrag seinen Podiumsteilnehmern, und die verschiedenen von ihnen vorgetragenen Standpunkte waren gut durchdacht und es lohnt sich, sie hier zusammenzufassen.

Sie fanden es sehr bezeichnend, dass Trump die europäischen Verbündeten mit keinem Wort erwähnte, als ob sie nicht existierten. Wir müssen davon ausgehen, dass eine Beilegung des in der Ukraine tobenden Konflikts nur durch ein alleiniges Vorgehen der Vereinigten Staaten und Russlands erreicht werden kann. Keine Briten am Tisch, kein Präsident der Europäischen Kommission. Kein Selensky mit seiner Bettelschale. Nur die beiden Supermächte.

Da Trump von einem Besuch in Russland sprach, der in naher Zukunft stattfinden könnte, da er die Konfrontation so schnell wie möglich beenden möchte, hatten sie vielleicht beide den 9. Mai als vorläufiges Datum in ihren Terminkalendern notiert. Schließlich hatte Trump während seiner ersten Präsidentschaft gehofft, 2020 zur Victory Parade zu kommen, aber seine Berater hatten ihm davon abgeraten, da dies seine Chancen bei den Wahlen im November negativ beeinflussen könnte.

Ein Diskussionsteilnehmer merkte an, dass der chinesische Staatschef Xi vielleicht auch in Moskau zur Parade erscheinen könnte, was den Weg für Dreiergespräche ebnen würde. Solowjow ließ sich diese Gelegenheit nicht entgehen und sagte, es wäre noch besser, wenn die drei ihre Gespräche auf der Krim fortsetzen würden.

Es sind harte Zeiten, und die Russen lachen, wo und wann sie können.

Es ist wichtig zu erwähnen, dass die Diskussionsteilnehmer der Liste der Mitglieder der Arbeitsgruppe, die Trump gerade ernannt hat, um die Gespräche mit Russland über einen Friedensplan voranzutreiben, große Aufmerksamkeit schenkten. Insbesondere sehen wir, dass General Keith Kellogg, der Kalte Krieger, dessen Ansichten durch seine Teilnahme am Vietnamkrieg geprägt wurden, der Mann, der noch vor Trumps Amtsantritt als Trumps Gesandter für Gespräche mit den Russen und Ukrainern ernannt wurde, von der Liste gestrichen wurde und an seiner Stelle Steve Witkoff, ein Immobilienentwickler aus New York und Freund von Trump aus den 1980er Jahren, ernannt wurde. Witkoff ist derjenige, der Benjamin Netanjahu dazu drängte, kurz vor Trumps Amtseinführung einem Waffenstillstand in Gaza zuzustimmen. Er wurde dann als Trumps Gesandter für Gespräche mit Teheran benannt. Und er ist derjenige, der letzte Woche mit seinem Privatjet nach Moskau flog und die Freilassung eines amerikanischen Lehrers erwirkte, der wegen Drogenbesitzes inhaftiert war und drei Jahre lang im Gefängnis saß. Die Umstände der Freilassung wurden von den Mainstream-Medien nicht eingehend diskutiert, aber laut den Russen verbrachte Witkoff dreieinhalb Stunden in Gesprächen mit der russischen Führungsspitze, und wir können davon ausgehen, dass die Gespräche eine Vorbereitung auf das waren, worüber Donald Trump gestern mit Wladimir Putin gesprochen hat.

Ein Diskussionsteilnehmer merkte an, dass Trumps Gespräch mit Putin auch mit den Worten von US-Verteidigungsminister Pete Hegseth in Verbindung gebracht werden müsse, die dieser am selben Tag in seiner einleitenden Rede vor der Ukraine-Kontaktgruppe in Brüssel geäußert hatte. Die wichtigsten Punkte dabei waren: Nein zum NATO-Beitritt der Ukraine, Nein zur Wiederherstellung der Grenzen der Ukraine von 2014, Nein zur Teilnahme amerikanischer Truppen an einer „Friedenstruppe“ zum Schutz der Ukraine im Rahmen des Friedensabkommens, die Idee, dass eine solche Truppe sowohl aus europäischen als auch aus nicht-europäischen Mitgliedsländern bestehen sollte, keine Ausweitung der Bestimmungen von Artikel 5 der NATO auf eine solche Friedenstruppe, die Arbeitsteilung zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten und ihren europäischen NATO-Verbündeten, wobei die USA ihre Aufmerksamkeit auf China und den Fernen Osten richten werden, während die Europäer sich um ihre eigene Verteidigung für konventionelle Kriege auf ihrem Kontinent kümmern und ihre eigenen Verteidigungsbudgets von 2 % auf 5 % erhöhen, um sich aus der derzeitigen Abhängigkeit von den Vereinigten Staaten zu lösen.

Ich stimme voll und ganz mit der Bedeutung überein, die die Solowjow-Panelisten der Rede von Hegseth beigemessen haben, da sie unser Verständnis dafür erweitert, was Trump mit Putin besprochen haben könnte, um das positive Ergebnis und die Erwartungen zu erreichen, dass ein Frieden in der Ukraine in greifbare Nähe rückt.

Gleichzeitig möchte ich auf den Kontrast zwischen den hochtrabenden und beruhigenden Worten, mit denen Hegseth seine Rede umhüllte, und dem absolut leeren Inhalt aus der Sicht seines Publikums hinweisen. Die hochtrabenden Worte „Frieden durch Stärke“ wurden mehrmals wiederholt, aber hinter dieser Fassade verbarg sich ein Vakuum, das sein Publikum schockiert haben muss. Die übergreifende Idee war, dass der Ukraine-Krieg den Europäern überlassen wird, damit sie ihn nach Belieben weiterführen können. Diese Übergabe wurde dadurch symbolisiert, dass die Briten am Tag zuvor die Leitung der Ramstein-Treffen der Länder übernahmen, die die Ukraine militärisch unterstützen.

Ich halte es auch für wichtig, dass Hegseth den Einfluss, den die Vereinigten Staaten nach Ansicht von Superpatrioten und Kriegstreibern auf Russland ausüben sollen, um Friedensverhandlungen zu erzwingen, in Worte fasste, die deutlich machten, dass dieser Einfluss in Wirklichkeit nicht existiert. Er sprach von „Drill Baby Drill“, als die Art und Weise, wie Trump die Erdölversorgung auf dem Weltmarkt erhöhen und dadurch die Preise senken und Putin die Exporteinnahmen zur Finanzierung seines Krieges entziehen würde. Der Zeitplan für das Inkrafttreten einer solchen Methode kann in Jahren und nicht in Tagen gemessen werden. Und angesichts des Widerspruchs zwischen der Senkung der Erdölpreise auf das erklärte Ziel von 45 US-Dollar und der gleichzeitigen Veranlassung amerikanischer Unternehmen, in weitere Bohrungen zu investieren, ist dieses Szenario problematisch.

Die Vereinigten Staaten sehen ihre Arbeitsteilung mit Europa offenbar so, dass die Vereinigten Staaten weiterhin ihren „nuklearen Schutzschirm“ als Abschreckung gegen einen Atomangriff bereitstellen, aber nicht mehr zur Verteidigung gegen konventionelle Kriege beitragen, wie es in der Ukraine der Fall war. Dies bedeutet, dass die US-Streitkräfte in ganz Europa reduziert werden. Die weitere Folge ist, dass die Europäer, wenn sie verstehen, dass sie allein nicht gegen die russischen Armeen bestehen können, von sich aus verstehen werden, dass sie in Bezug auf die europaweite Sicherheit einige Zugeständnisse an die Russen machen müssen.

Ich stelle auch fest, dass der gestrige Telefonanruf in Moskau und Pete Hegseths harte Aussage über die neuen realen Beziehungen zu Europa zeitlich gut abgestimmt sind. Eine Woche zuvor hatte Trump die EU-Staats- und Regierungschefs wegen des bevorstehenden Handelskrieges mit den USA über Zölle in Angst und Schrecken versetzt, ganz zu schweigen von ihrem Schock über Trumps Pläne, Grönland gegen den Willen des Kolonialherrn der Insel, Dänemark, zu annektieren. Es kommt elf Tage vor den Bundestagswahlen in Deutschland, bei denen der favorisierte Kandidat für das Amt des nächsten Bundeskanzlers, Friedrich Merz, mit einem Programm aus dem Kalten Krieg Wahlkampf gemacht hat, das Trump gerade in die Hölle geschickt hat.

Es hätte keinen besseren Schub für die Chancen von Alice Weidel und der Alternative für Deutschland geben können als das, was Trump & Company gestern getan haben.

Translation below into Spanish (Chod Zom)

Conmoción y pavor: la noticia de la conversación telefónica de 90 minutos de Donald Trump con Vladímir Putin

13 February 2025

La noticia de la conversación telefónica de 90 minutos entre Donald Trump y Vladímir Putin llegó tarde a Europa, pero no demasiado tarde para que el programa Evening with Vladimir Solovyov, emitido a medianoche desde Moscú, dedicara su primer segmento a esta noticia de última hora.  De hecho, el presentador mostró en pantalla el texto completo de la descripción de la llamada publicada por Donald Trump en su plataforma Truth Social, así como las declaraciones grabadas de Dmitry Peskov, portavoz del presidente ruso, dando la versión del Kremlin sobre la llamada.

Solovyov se mostró comedido, aunque con un atisbo de sonrisa en su rostro. Mirando el texto de Truth Social, señaló que el lenguaje era diplomático. Se referían a Vladimir Putin como «Presidente Putin». Las palabras «agresor», «no provocado» y otras similares, despectivas y propagandísticas, utilizadas habitualmente durante la administración Biden en relación con el líder ruso y su «invasión a gran escala de Ucrania» estaban ausentes. Muy importante, Trump mencionó la cooperación de Estados Unidos y Rusia en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Mencionó a los millones de rusos que murieron en la guerra, así como a «muchos estadounidenses», indicando adecuadamente quién había pagado más en el costo de la lucha contra el nazismo. Implicando con esto la idea de que ambos países podrían volver a mantener una relación de cooperación en la actualidad. Tal noción fue sugerida además por la mención de que las conversaciones fueron mucho más allá de la cuestión de la guerra de Ucrania y también abordaron temas energéticos y de inteligencia artificial, entre otras áreas. Muy importante y dando motivos de aliento, los presidentes hablaron de visitas recíprocas a sus respectivos países. Por último, Solovyov señaló que, según el resumen de Peskov, el Presidente Putin se había mantenido firme en las condiciones de Rusia para una paz, a saber, que se abordaran las causas que subyacen a la decisión de invadir, la necesidad de revisar la arquitectura de seguridad de Europa y de hacer retroceder a la OTAN.

Por una vez, Solovyov dejó que sus panelistas se encargarán de la mayor parte de la tertulia y las diversas perspectivas que presentaron fueron buenas reflexiones y que merecen la pena ser resumidas aquí.

A ellos, les pareció muy significativo que Trump no mencionara a los aliados europeos, como si ellos no existieran. Se nos deja asumir que cualquier solución al conflicto que asola Ucrania será alcanzada por Estados Unidos y Rusia actuando solos. Sin británicos en la mesa, sin el presidente de la Comisión Europea. Sin Zelensky con su cuenco de mendicidad. Sólo las dos superpotencias.

Dado que Trump habló de una visita a Rusia que podría tener lugar en un futuro próximo, dado su deseo de poner fin a la confrontación lo antes posible, tal vez ambos habían esbozado el 9 de mayo en sus agendas como fecha tentativa. Después de todo, durante su primera presidencia Trump había esperado acudir al Desfile de la Victoria en 2020, pero sus asesores le disuadieron de hacerlo, ya que podría tener un impacto negativo en sus posibilidades en las elecciones de noviembre.

A partir de esa especulación sobre las fechas, uno de los panelistas apuntó que quizá el líder chino Xi también podría presentarse en Moscú para el Desfile, preparando el terreno para un encuentro a tres bandas. Solovyov no podía dejar pasar la oportunidad y dijo que aún sería mejor que los tres se trasladaran a Crimea para proseguir sus conversaciones.

Son tiempos difíciles y los rusos se ríen donde y cuando pueden.

Es esencial mencionar la atención que los panelistas prestaron a la lista de miembros del grupo de trabajo que Trump acaba de nombrar para avanzar en las conversaciones con Rusia sobre un plan de paz. En concreto, vemos que el general Keith Kellogg, el Guerrero del Frío cuyas opiniones se formaron por su participación en la guerra de Vietnam, el hombre que fue nombrado emisario de Trump para las conversaciones con rusos y ucranianos incluso antes de que Trump asumiera el cargo, es eliminado de la lista y su lugar es ocupado por Steve Witkoff, colega promotor inmobiliario en Nueva York y amigo de Trump desde los años ochenta. Witkoff fue quien obligó a Benjamin Netanyahoo a acordar un alto el fuego en Gaza en los días previos a la toma de posesión de Trump. Después fue nombrado emisario de Trump para las conversaciones con Teherán. Y fue él quien voló en su jet privado a Moscú la semana pasada y consiguió la liberación de un profesor de escuela estadounidense encarcelado por narcotráfico que llevaba tres años en prisión. Las circunstancias de la liberación no han sido discutidas en profundidad por los principales medios de comunicación, pero según los rusos Witkoff pasó tres horas y media en conversaciones con altos dirigentes rusos y podemos suponer que las conversaciones fueron preparatorias de lo que Donald Trump habló ayer con Vladimir Putin.

Uno de los panelistas señaló que la conversación de Trump con Putin también tiene que relacionarse con lo que el secretario de Defensa de Estados Unidos, Pete Hegseth, dijo anteriormente ese mismo día en su discurso de presentación ante el Grupo de Contacto sobre Ucrania en Bruselas. Los puntos principales de esto fueron: no al ingreso de Ucrania en la OTAN, no a que Ucrania recupere nunca sus fronteras de 2014, no a la participación de tropas estadounidenses en ninguna «fuerza de paz» para proteger a Ucrania como parte del acuerdo de paz, la idea de que dicha fuerza debería estar formada por países miembros tanto europeos como no europeos, no a la extensión de las disposiciones del artículo 5 de la OTAN a dicha fuerza de mantenimiento de la paz, la división del trabajo entre Estados Unidos y sus aliados europeos de la OTAN, según la cual Estados Unidos redirigirá su atención hacia China y Extremo Oriente, mientras que los europeos se ocuparán de su propia defensa para la guerra convencional en su continente y aumentarán sus propios presupuestos de defensa del 2% al 5% para lograr ese avance desde su actual dependencia de Estados Unidos.

Estoy totalmente de acuerdo con la importancia que los panelistas de Solovyov dieron al discurso de Hegseth por la forma en que completa nuestra comprensión de lo que Trump puede haber discutido con Putin para alcanzar el resultado positivo y las expectativas de que una paz en Ucrania estén al alcance de la mano.

Al mismo tiempo, llamo la atención sobre el contraste entre las palabras altisonantes y tranquilizadoras con las que Hegseth envolvió su discurso y el contenido absolutamente vacío desde el punto de vista de su audiencia. Las palabras altisonantes «Paz a través de la fuerza» se repitieron varias veces, pero detrás de esta fachada había un vacío que debió de dejar a su público conmocionado. La idea general era que la guerra de Ucrania se entregaba a los europeos para que la prosiguieran a su antojo. Este traspaso quedó simbolizado por el hecho de que los británicos asumieran el día anterior la dirección de las reuniones de Ramstein de los países que apoyan militarmente a Ucrania.

También considero importante que Hegseth remarcara que las ventajas, que los superpatriotas y los belicistas creen que Estados Unidos tiene sobre Rusia para forzar las negociaciones de paz, son en realidad inexistentes. Habló de «drill baby drill» como la forma en que Trump aumentaría el suministro de petróleo al mercado mundial y, por lo tanto, hundiría los precios y privaría a Putin de los ingresos de exportación para financiar su guerra. El calendario para que ese método surta efecto debe medirse en años, no en días. Y dada la contradicción entre bajar los precios del petróleo hasta el objetivo declarado de 45 dólares e inducir simultáneamente a las empresas estadounidenses a invertir en nuevas perforaciones, este escenario resulta problemático.

Evidentemente, Estados Unidos considera que su división del trabajo con Europa significa que Estados Unidos seguirá proporcionando su «paraguas nuclear» como elemento disuasorio frente a un ataque nuclear, pero ya no contribuirá a la defensa frente a una guerra convencional, como ha estado ocurriendo en Ucrania. La implicación de esto es que habrá una reducción de las fuerzas estadounidenses en toda Europa.  La implicación adicional es que cuando los europeos comprendan que no pueden hacer frente por sí solos a los ejércitos rusos, entonces comprenderán por sí mismos que tienen que llegar a algún acuerdo con los rusos sobre la seguridad en toda Europa.

También observo el momento de la llamada telefónica de ayer a Moscú y la dura declaración de Pete Hegseth sobre las nuevas relaciones del mundo real con Europa. Llega una semana después de que Trump dejara a los líderes de la UE temblando ante la inminente guerra comercial con Estados Unidos por los aranceles, por no mencionar su conmoción por los planes de Trump de apoderarse de Groenlandia a pesar de las objeciones de Dinamarca, el señor colonial de la isla. Llega 11 días antes de que los alemanes acudan a las urnas en sus elecciones federales, donde el candidato favorito para convertirse en el próximo canciller, Friedrich Merz, ha estado haciendo campaña sobre una plataforma de Guerra Fría que Trump acaba de mandar al infierno.

No podría haber habido mejor impulso para las posibilidades de Alice Weidel y Alternativa para Alemania que lo que Trump y compañía hicieron ayer.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2025

Video link to yesterday’s scandalous NewsX panel discussion entitled Trump’s Top Officials in Europe for Ukraine

Video link to yesterday’s scandalous NewsX panel discussion: Trump’s Top Officials in Europe for Ukraine

The panel discussion was scandalous insofar as my fellow panelists were shockingly low-quality propagandists for the Kiev narrative: clueless and ill-informed. Two of them were Americans whom we can call representative of the think tank cohort.  I offer the link so that you can see why Russians have been dismayed that there is no one to talk to. 

 It is not clear that the rank ignorance about Russia that we saw under Biden is being addressed by Trump and Musk. After 30 years in which American Russian studies prepared area specialists to add and subtract for purposes of getting finance jobs in banks or to study gender identity issues to get a job with some international NGO while downplaying language skills and history, the numbers of American M.A. or even Ph.D. diploma holders with any real knowledge of Russia have thinned out drastically.

So where are Marco Rubio or J.D. Vance going to get a quick lesson on ‘the enemy’? Professor Steve Cohen who provided such private cram sessions to Bernie Sanders and John Mearsheimer, among other leading American personalities in the public eye, died four years ago. I do not see any similarly knowledgeable people who have taken his place as public intellectuals ready to help out with the new administration. Those academics who actually do know something long ago signed on to the free lunch programs of the Pentagon, USAID et.al. They have adapted what they say to what others want to hear. As readers know from my previous writings, the ubiquitous Anatol Lieven is a perfect example of that unhelpful lot.

Translation below into Spanish (Chod Zom)

Enlace de vídeo al escandaloso panel de discusión de NewsX de ayer titulada: Los altos cargos de Trump en Europa para Ucrania

La mesa redonda fue escandalosa, ya que mis compañeros panelistas eran propagandistas, de una calidad muy baja, de la narrativa de Kiev: despistados y mal informados. Dos de ellos eran estadounidenses, representantes de la cohorte de centros de estudios (”think tanks”). Ofrezco el enlace para que puedan ver por qué los rusos están consternados porque no hay nadie con quien hablar.

No está claro si el grado de ignorancia sobre Rusia que vimos bajo Biden está siendo abordado por Trump y Musk. Después de 30 años en los que los estudios rusos estadounidenses preparaban a especialistas en la materia para sumar y restar con el fin de conseguir trabajos financieros en bancos o estudiar cuestiones de identidad de género para conseguir un trabajo en alguna ONG internacional, mientras restaban importancia a los conocimientos lingüísticos y la historia, el número de licenciados o incluso doctores estadounidenses diplomados, con algún conocimiento real de Rusia se ha reducido drásticamente.

Entonces, ¿dónde van a recibir Marco Rubio o J.D. Vance una lección rápida sobre «el enemigo»? El profesor Steve Cohen, que impartió esas sesiones privadas de estudio intensivo a Bernie Sanders y John Mearsheimer, entre otras personalidades destacadas de la vida pública estadounidense, murió hace cuatro años. No veo a nadie con conocimientos similares que haya ocupado su lugar como intelectual público dispuesto a ayudar a la nueva administración. Los académicos que realmente saben algo hace tiempo que se apuntaron a los programas de comida gratis del Pentágono, la USAID y otros. Se han adaptado a decir, lo que otros quieren oir. Como los lectores saben por mis escritos anteriores, el omnipresente Anatol Lieven es un ejemplo perfecto de esa clase de personas inútiles.

Transcript

Transcript submitted by a reader

NewsX – Thomas Porteous: 0:03
Hello and welcome, I’m Thomas Porteous and let’s dive into a discussion on the escalating conflict in Ukraine. Overnight both Ukraine and Russia launched major drone attacks, with Kiev reporting significant damage. Meanwhile, top Trump officials are heading to Europe for high-stakes security talks. Let’s find out a bit more. Ukraine’s war front saw another night of heavy drone attacks.

Russia launched 151 drones with Ukraine’s military, claiming to have shot down 70. Damage was reported across several regions including Kiev. In response, Ukraine launched drone strikes on eight Russian regions and annexed Crimea. Moscow says its air defences intercepted 35 Ukrainian drones. Amid the escalating conflict, top Trump administration officials are heading to Europe for high-stake security talks.

Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio will attend the Munich Security Conference, which will also be attended by Ukrainian President Zelensky. Meanwhile, Pentagon Chief Pete Hegseth will participate in NATO defence minister’s meeting.

We are joined by many guests today, one being Gilbert Doctorow, Russian affairs expert live with us from Brussels. We also joined by Professor Alexei Haran, Professor of Comparative Politics at the University of Kiev, Mohlya in Kiev, Ukraine. We’re also joined by Adrian Kamamel, Terrorism Scholar and Fellow at the Arabian Palinsula Institute joining us from New York. And we’re also joined by John Rosamondo, president of Viking Research Associates and geopolitical analyst, joining us from Washington. Thank you very much for joining us, everyone.

John Rosamondo, I wanted to start with you in this discussion. I wanted to start on the military operations to begin with. Russia claims to have destroyed 35 Ukrainian drones and on the same night, Ukraine reports shooting down 70 Russian drones overnight.

What does this increasing frequency and scale of drone tactics signify about the current state of military tactics employed by both sides? Well, let’s put it this way. The drones are the great equalizer in modern warfare. And, you know, the thing about drones is that they’re low cost, they’re easy to produce. A video came out over the weekend of Ukraine building drones in a top secret underground location.

It’s becoming the way of war for the 21st century. And in Ukraine, drones have become the center of the conflict. You don’t have to send airbrush strikes from multi-million dollar fighters anymore. You just send in the drones. And the thing about drones is they’re easy to replace. So this is seeing what warfare will look like going forward.

Olexi Horan, Professor, President Zelensky confirms a new offensive in the Russian Kursk region. And he claims that North Korean troops are supporting Russian forces. How might Ukraine’s offensive operations within Russian territory, such as recent actions in the Kursk region, impact the broader dynamics of the conflict and international perceptions?

Well, it’s important for us, first of all, from psychological and symbolic point of view so Russia appeared to be is not available is not it’s not possible for Russia to defend its own borders so yes it looks like Ukrainian symbolic victory This is very important also from psychological point of view.

Regarding military point of view, well, we actually do not know the aims of Ukrainian military command. More or less, we can speculate on that. So the idea perhaps was, you know, that Russians should withdraw some forces from Donetsk regions. As far as I know, they didn’t do that, but nevertheless, a huge number of Russian troops is concentrated around Kursk area, which means it’s not possible for Russia to attack Ukraine from the north. Such important cities like Kharkiv and Sumy.

By the way, it creates an interesting situation for potential future negotiations, because some people around Putin actually, and Putin himself, he told that Ukraine should recognize, you know, how he formulated it, the fact that territorial situation in Ukraine. Okay, so he means that, okay, Russia occupies these territories and Russia would like to continue this occupation. But what will happen with Kursk, you know? So this is a question that should be put in. Is he going to sacrifice Kursk region for Ukraine in all course?

NewsX: 05:24
Gilbert Doctorow, I want to leave you with that thought. Is Putin– Putin has said that he wants people to stop dying on both sides. And this operation in the Kursk region on Russian land, how do you think this is going to go for Ukrainian soldiers?

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD: 5:42
We know how it’s going for Ukrainian soldiers. It’s more important how it’s going for the widows of the soldiers. 57,000 Ukrainian soldiers have lost their lives or been permanently disabled as a consequence of this Kursk operation. This is a public relations, more morale-lifting exercise, according to your previous panelist. But I don’t know how much morale you can build among those of the 57, 000 who died for nothing.

6:11
And it’s not as though the whole of Kursk region is occupied. It’s something like 500 or 400 square kilometers today, which is a fraction of the size of Kursk. So to think that you’re going to negotiate that against 20 percent of the whole land mass of Ukraine, which is Russia-occupied today, is utterly delusional. To say that there is no progress on the front, that is, the Donbass front, because the Russians are distracted by Kursk, is also an utter lie. Every day there is territory lost by Ukraine, And these are kilometers and kilometers daily.

And these are 1,500 Ukrainian troops who are, who die or are wounded for life in this struggle at the … line of demarcation in Donbass. The Russians are moving on the center of the Donetsk region. There are the obstacles that stood in their way. These strategic points have been either taken fully or partially taken. Pokrovsk is in the sights of Russia. And that is the last significant fortified town and major distribution hub in Donetsk region. Therefore the Russians have in their sights the Dnieper river. So the previous speaker is slightly lost in geography.

NewsX: 7:43
Professor Alexei, I will let you answer it, but please be brief in your response, because I want to move on.

Haran:
So I can take the floor, right?

NewsX:
Yes, you can.

Haran:
Okay, so thank you very much. So First of all, I do not know where you took these figures. Then Ukrainian soldiers are fighting for the freedom of their country. This is very, very clear. And if we are talking about, you know, Russian movement, well, you know that their aim was to, their initial aim was to seize Kiev in three days. Now it will be the fourth year of the war, and they are not able even to occupy Donbass. Yes, the situation there, it’s difficult, but you know, Donbass still is not occupied.

So if you say that I do not know geography, I just wonder where you’re taking from your arguments, because I think you do not understand, you do not want to understand that we are dying for our freedom, and in this case you just repeat Russian propaganda whether intentionally, non-intentionally but basically you are repeating Russian propaganda, full stop.

NewsX:
Adrian, I just want to bring in, sorry Gilbert Doctorow, I just want to bring in Adrian Kamamel quickly and talk about the new reports of North Korean forces and what they reveal about Russia’s global partnerships and willingness to bring in external support in the current state of the Ukraine war. And then I will let you respond, Gilbert Doctorow.

Kamamel:
Yeah it’s very clear and this has been the problem for a while since the collapse of the Soviet Union that Russia’s had a manpower problem when it comes to the battle space and now they are experiencing that problem to a great degree. Ukraine, you know, we have to look at their invasions in Ukraine prior to this.

We have to look at how this attacks their air force, but the Syrian intervention before that. And now you have them flooding the field. And this is a second call-up of North Korean troops. So they definitely have a fire problem, and it’s growing more acute. And this is something that the Trump administration needs to take advantage of.

The belief is that Putin will spill as much blood and will hear narratives about the widows of Ukrainians who are fighting for nothing. But first they lost their most industrialized region, and then Putin wanted to take the capital of them in three days. So they are fighting for something. They’re fighting for something that the Western allies, and I think that’s why Hegseth is talking to NATO, is we need to work with our allies to forge some sort of collective deterrence which has been lost for quite some time, whereas you have Moscow, Beijing, Tehran, Karakass, Islamabad all working together. I want to move on to politics and diplomacy.

NewsX:
Unfortunately, we’ve run out of time for that section. I want to talk about Trump’s demand for access to Ukraine’s rare earth minerals in return for USAID. World leaders have responded to this, including German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who has called it selfish and self-serving. John Rosamundo, Is it appropriate for nations to seek economic or strategic advances for aid such as rare minerals in exchange for military aid?

Rosamundo:
I think absolutely. It’s kind of like we look at the state of the American government. We are $35 trillion in debt, and the United States cannot sustain the sort of, you know, Marshall Plan kind of economics of the past. So President Trump is simply saying to Ukraine, in exchange for us providing you with materials to stay in the fight, you need to provide us with economic resources so that it’s something that is given in return because we just can’t afford to give things gratis anymore. It’s not 1989 and the United States is not in the same economic and geopolitical state that it was at the end of the Cold War. This is a new day and we have to face up with reality.

NewsX:
Professor Haran, I want to move on to you for this next one. What do you think of Donald Trump’s statements or demands here? And could this set a wider precedent for an aid for resources agreements in future conflicts?

Haran:
Well first of all this idea you know to supply us with Ukrainian resources actually it was promoted by President Zelensky I believe it was two months ago and definitely it was you know a step in order to to reach mr. Trump who’s approach is business like you know approach So what Trump is saying right now means that both sides can negotiate on that.

How it will happen, what would be the framework, we now don’t know, because some of Ukrainian resources are actually now under Russian occupation, or they cannot be exploited because of the Russian war against Ukraine. But having said all that, I need to stress that actually, you know, it’s a unique case in world history. When other country, I mean, Ukraine, gave up nuclear arsenal, the third largest in the world, and we received territorial guarantees from Russia, from the U.S. And the UK. And then, you know, all of it was violated by Russia.

So definitely in Ukraine we assumed that the free world should support us, you know, without talking about economic gains or something like that. Because again, it’s the thing which you cannot, you know, which you couldn’t predict that may happen in the world and in the center of Europe. But you know, if there is some economics involved, involve economic interests, okay, let’s consider it. Again, we do not know what would be the result of these negotiations.

NewsX: 14:14
Gilbert Doctorow, I want to move on to you on that, the same topic. Is it acceptable for a country to tie economic interests to military assistance?

Doctorow: 14:24
If its aim is propaganda, yes; if its aim is business, no. This is all empty talk There is nothing in Ukraine to talk about in these rare-earth deposits. 16 trillion dollars, that is just hot air to divert attention from the reality and situation in Ukraine, which is dire. My friend doesn’t like to pick up the “New York Times” or the “Financial Times”. He would find out every day about the Russian advances and the Ukrainian losses. I’m not inventing this, and I’m not telling you something from RT. Just pick up a mainstream newspaper.

15:01
Now, as to the question of resources. They are– Ukraine is not a new continent. Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union, which had a great tradition in extractive industry. These deposits, which are, they do exist, titanium and other interesting metals do exist in Ukraine, and some of them are presently being mined. But the most exciting ones, the ones that one speaks of for the 16-trillion-dollar estimate of net worth of Ukraine, they weren’t mined — for good reason. They are difficult to extract in the present geological setting where they exist. There are countries around the world, like Chile in South America, that have such deposits which can be extracted profitably. Ukraine is not one of them. The Russians didn’t mine that, for a good reason: there is nothing worth mining.

16:00
And talking about it now is an empty discussion. As I say, it’s a propaganda point, like most of what my previous panelist was talking about in defending Ukraine and its worthy causes. We’re not talking worthy causes. We’re talking the military situation on the ground. And it is not favorable to Ukraine.

NewsX: 16:20
I do ask that we keep this conversation–

Haran:
I need to say something.

NewsX:
Professor Haran, I will let you speak. I will let you speak. I just ask that we keep this conversation respectful. Professor Haran, please respond.

Haran:
Okay, look, I am participating, I believe, for the third time with Mr. Doctorow in this kind of discussion. And I had a feeling, and still have this feeling, that he is very happy, you know, of the, as he said, of the problems, of Ukrainian problems.

So my question is to you, Mr. Dr. Rokol, because you know the hard facts. Can you say that Russia is aggressive and Russia violated all the treaties and Ukraine is a victim of aggression. Can you say that?

Russia is aggressive. Can you repeat? Russia is imperialist state. Can you repeat? I would like…

I believe there’s nothing to talk about. If Mr. Doctorow cannot recognize that Russia is a great threat, which violates all the treaties which are signed, you know, so we understand what is Mr. Doctorow’s position. Unfortunately.

NewsX:
Okay, I would like to move on if we can. I want to talk about US-Russia communications. Adrian Kalamal, President Trump mentioned a phone call with President Putin about ending the war claiming Putin wants to see people stop dying, though the Kremlin has not confirmed this just to be clear. What role should direct communications between the US and Russia leaders play in facilitating a resolution to the Russia-Ukraine conflict?

No, I don’t think those direct conversations are going to facilitate anything. I think it’s going to be eventually, what will facilitate it is when Putin feels enough pain. I have to disagree. They are feeling a lot of pain. Ukraine is not on the verge of collapse. When you’re importing a bunch of North Korean soldiers, when you’re importing a bunch of Islamic Republic drones, ballistic missiles, things aren’t going for you well on the field.

And what Trump needs to do is leverage that and make Putin understand that, you know, you want to carry this on, we’re gonna make it nasty for you. And you’re going to have to sue for peace on this. And I don’t think Putin wants to be there. U.S. Has enormous economic and military leverage.

We can use the economic leverage to put a further vice on, an economic vice on Russia, on Putin’s Russia. And we can also introduce more different types of weapons, the type of weapons that make Putin a little bit nervous. And then also start talking about NATO membership again. If you got such a problem about this, bring up NATO membership and say, Putin, listen, the last straw here is you don’t back out. It’s a medium NATO membership once we resolve this thing.

So there’s multiple levers that we can use, that the United States can use. Putin doesn’t want anything except for expansion. We’ve seen what he’s done. I mean, he’s, it’s a stalemate there. There’s been thousands and thousands of dead on each side.

He’s bringing in other troops. He doesn’t care about bloodshed. He’s very Machiavellian in his approach. John Rossomondo, I wanted to move on on the relationship with Trump and Putin. Obviously in Trump’s first term the two met up since a lot has happened.

But how critical are direct leader-to-leader conversations in resolving conflicts when both sides have such deep mistrust? Well, I think that you need to have direct communication to remove any possibility for things being misread. And throughout the Cold War, you had the Moscow to Washington hotline that saved us from having World War III. So I think that this is a way for President Trump to play hardball directly with Vladimir Putin, saying, hey, Adrian was saying, if you don’t do this, I’m going to make it so that your economy doesn’t function. I’m going to go after Kazakhstan, China, and everything that you rely on to fund and to rearm your war machine.

So anything that President Trump does is it has a more personal tone to it, where he can use carrots and sticks directly with Vladimir Putin, which Joe Biden didn’t understand over the past four years. Professor Haran, there has been talks of this happening, but how does Kiev view the possibility of a US-Russia bilateral agreement potentially shaping the terms that directly impact Ukraine and possibly ending the war? Well, we know that Mr. Trump said that on many occasions that he would like to stop the war. The question is, what are the conditions?

Because we actually hear, I believe it was said by Mr. Rubio, that Russia is aggressive. Full stop. Mr. Doctor also.

He said, Russia is aggressive. The words that you cannot repeat for some reason. He said that we know who is good guy, who is bad guy. But then he continued that both sides need to make compromises. So the huge question for us, what are compromises?

What kind of compromises? And this is really difficult question, where we are not sure what may happen. So we hope that Trump administration will pressure on Putin, you know, but we don’t know, you know, what specific points of agreement would be, potential points of agreement. And I believe Trump’s administration now actually is in the process of developing the plan. So they need to have more contacts in Europe with other countries, with Ukraine, with Russia, in order to create more solid position.

NewsX: 22:54
Gilbert Doctorow, I was wondering if there’s any public or governmental support within Russia for direct talks with the US that might bypass other diplomatic channels?

Doctorow: 23:10
Talks are ongoing, and Russians know that, and the people around the Kremlin know that and therefore satisfactory negotiated settlement between the United States and Russia, which takes in a lot more than just Ukraine. The war started over NATO. That is what December 2021 was all about, the terms that Moscow gave to Washington or NATO to pull back to the 1997 posture before the expansion of the Clinton years and the next two administrations.

23:45
The point is that the– as Mr. Ryabkov, the deputy minister of foreign affairs, said two hours ago– relations with the United States are at the breaking point. They have been in discussions, back channels to Washington. The plans that Mr. Trump has to use his great leverage, as my fellow panelists believe exists, was not well received in Moscow, because they know the reality. There is no leverage that is yet to be used by Washington short of starting World War III.

24:20
Mr. Biden may have been senile, but the people who were actually running his foreign policy, Blinken and Jake Sullivan, were not senile. And they did the maximum destructive action towards Russia. They took the sanctions from hell that Victoria Nuland had dreamed up with her team, and they all replied against Russia, to no purpose. The sanctions on the shadow-fleet oil tankers that Mr. Trump imposed a few days ago to show the kind of muscle that my colleagues thinks he has, that resulted in very negative readings in Moscow. It’s not going to stop the Russian export of oil, as the same sanctions imposed on Iran a few days ago will not stop Iranian exports of oil. There is no leverage in Washington. And so long as panelists in the States believe there is, well, the only thing they’re heading for is World War III.

25:23
May I say one word?

NewsX:
Yes, of course, Professor Aron Kopeckin.


May I do that?


Yes, yes, yes. Very briefly.


So it’s very important to understand that before 2014, Ukrainians believed in friendship with Russia. And Ukrainians didn’t want to join NATO. And our official status was neutral country. And we gave up our nuclear weapons. Mr. Doctorow, do you know about these facts? Why do you repeat this crazy lie about NATO on the territory of Ukraine? There are facts. We were a neutral country and we demilitarized ourselves. I’m talking about nuclear weapons and Russia attack, full stop, no NATO involved.

NewsX:
Thank you very much everyone for joining us. We have unfortunately run out of time. Thank you very much Gilbert, Dr. Rowe, Professor Alexi Haran, Adrian, Kamamel and John Rossomando. We have unfortunately ran out of time. We will continue to bring you more news updates from across the world. Thank you.

Waiting for the Munich Security Conference to Open: What ‘peace plan’ is Team Trump bringing?

Has the lifting of U.S. pressure of state censorship on social media and video platforms like youtube since Donald Trump’s inauguration made a difference in what we see and hear on the internet? My intuitive judgment says ‘yes.’  Day by day, I am struck by the proliferation of disinformation and fake news now coming from online broadcasters in the alternative media as ‘yellow press’ sensationalism rises for the sake of attracting an audience and signing up paying sponsors. Platforms may change with technology, but human instincts remain the same. By curious coincidence, this is happening at the very moment when lying and propagandistic mainstream media like The New York Times and The Financial Times have cooled to the notion of Ukraine dealing a strategic defeat on Russia while retaking all of its territories lost since 2014 and are presenting more fact-based reporting on the daily setbacks of the Ukrainian forces and the approaching Russian victory.

A case in point about rumor mongering was delivered to my inbox a day ago by friends in Brussels who sent me the link to a just released podcast by Clayton Morris (Redacted) claiming to know the contents of the peace plan Trump’s team will present at the Munich Security Conference that opens in two days. This plan supposedly will provide for joint Russian-Ukrainian control of the contested Eastern Ukraine regions of Novaya Rossiya now held by Russian troops, while Ukraine’s entry into the European Union is foreseen. It will provide for an immediate cessation of hostilities. Moscow will be incentivized to agree by the release of their frozen assets to Russian oligarchs. Oh, yes, and at the start of a cease fire, the United States would halt all further arms deliveries to Kiev.

Who knows?  Perhaps such an improbable plan is among the papers that General Kellogg, Trump’s emissary to Ukraine and Russia, Vice President J.D. Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio are carrying with them to Munich. The notion that Putin can be moved to genuflect before Washington’s strong man by the self-serving dictates from his own Russian oligarchs is so utterly ignorant of Russian realities that it could easily have been put forward by Trump’s staff, who seem to be as poorly informed about what makes Russia tick as were Jake Sullivan and Tony Blinken in the Biden administration.

We can be left guessing, because Trump himself in his latest chats with Fox News reporters yesterday declared that he has made great progress towards a peace in the past week. He said he has spoken by telephone to Putin. He still hopes to bring together Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelensky for face-to-face negotiations.

Note that so far Donald Trump’s approach to negotiating an end to the Russia-Ukraine war has exactly the same elements of bravado, bullying, hubris as we see in all of his other opening moves on the international front, such as his threats of 25% tariffs against Mexico and Canada, his demand that Denmark ‘sell’ Greenland to the USA and his imposition of what are intended to be crushing new sanctions on Iran so as to open talks on a comprehensive settlement of decades long confrontation from what Americans perceive as ‘a position of strength.’

Note also, that in the case of Iran, Trump’s tactics have so far failed completely. A week ago, the country’s Supreme Leader Ali Khameini, flatly rejected entering into negotiations with Trump, saying that the Americans were not trustworthy and that Trump’s opening moves were ‘undignified.’ 

Exactly the same new crushing sanctions were imposed by Trump on Russia to show off his muscle to American admirers: namely sanctions directed against the so-called shadow fleet of oil tankers that Russia, like Iran, has assembled to take the delivery of oil to export markets entirely in its own hands, including provision of insurance coverage for the tankers. The intention of Trump in both instances is to reduce the exports and foreign currency earnings of both countries to nil.

All of the optimism coming from the Trump camp that it holds the high cards in relations with Russia flies in the face of the statements made yesterday afternoon by Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov that relations with the USA “are at the breaking point.”  The war will end, said Ryabkov, only when the conditions set down by Vladimir Putin in June 2023 are satisfied. These conditions include the withdrawal of all Ukrainian military forces from the 4 Eastern Ukrainian regions that have been formally integrated into the Russian Federation, disavowal by Kiev on its hopes to enter the NATO alliance together with acceptance of neutral status without the presence of any foreign military personnel or installations on its territory. Let us remember that Ryabkov is the same official who announced in December 2021 Russia’s ultimatum to the USA calling for return of NATO to its borders of 1997, that is to say, before the multiple expansion waves that took in the former Warsaw Pact countries and the Baltic States. 

Yesterday, Ryabkov also said that there are no prospects presently for successful discussions with the United States about limitations on medium range ground-based missiles or other items on the agenda in regulating strategic stability. Needless to say, Ryabkov’s very depressing message is not being reported by Western media. No one wants to spoil the party about to open in Munich.

When we look at the attendance list for the Munich conference, everyone seems to be present…except the Russians. What does the American delegation headed by the number two (vice president) and number three (secretary of state) officials in the U.S. federal government expect to achieve other than to ‘confer’ with its European allies who are in fact just vassals who will do whatever Washington tells them to do. Of course, Volodymyr Zalensky will also be in attendance, though here again, he is just dead weight on the talks since his opinion counts for nothing.

                                                                   *****

To my regret, yesterday afternoon I participated in a four-way panel discussion of the latest issues in the Russia-Ukraine war hosted by the Indian global broadcaster NewsX. My fellow panelists included one professor from a university in Kiev, who appeared in two earlier NewsX programs where I was present. He proved yet again that he lives in a parallel world, that he cares not at all about the 57,000 compatriots who have been killed or severely maimed in the Kursk region of Russia; all that counts is that whatever land in Kursk the Ukrainians may hold will be a negotiating point when a deal is done to end the war. Nor does this Ukrainian professor have any interest in the daily loss of men and territory on the Donbas front, where Ukrainian lines are crumbling. His only interest is to insist that other panelists, first of all myself, concede that Russia is the aggressor and that the Ukrainians are fighting for their freedom.

Then there were two new American panelists who seem to have advisory positions to the U.S. government in think tanks, both of them utterly ignorant about Russia. I took my reading on them while we were all in the Zoom ‘waiting room’ prior to going on air and I overheard their little chat among themselves.  One said that he is about to travel to Israel and Jordan, which he will be visiting for the first time. His friend assured him that he would have a great time visiting these beautiful countries. This was proof positive that both gentlemen suffer from incurable hubris and live in a bubble of the post-factual world. What they had to say about the Ukraine war ending was perfectly aligned:  Trump has to really step up the pressure on Russia, show them that he can destroy their economy and send new weapons to Ukraine that have been held back till now to assure Ukrainian victory. On air, I succeeded in countering this foolishness, saying that even if Biden was senile, those who actually were responsible for foreign policy, Sullivan and Blinken, had already applied maximum pressure on Russia, beyond which they rightly understood that Russia would declare war on the States.

I do take credit for landing one punch against the hosts and fellow panelists with regard to another subject that has captured the imagination of Western media: Trump’s announcement that the United States should recover some of the 350 billion dollars in aid it has given to Ukraine these past three years by taking possession of the rare earth deposits and other mineral wealth of Ukraine.  The NewsX producers wanted to discuss this from the standpoint of its appropriateness under international law. My response was on a different level:  the 13 trillion dollars in mineral wealth said to lie underground in Ukraine just waiting for American investors and mining companies is a total fiction that has been rolled out by the Trump people to distract the world from America’s descending the exit ramp on Ukraine and leaving the mess to the Europeans, as we will see in a day when the British assume leadership of the Ramstein group of Ukraine’s military backers.

 De facto, Ukraine is not an undiscovered island somewhere on the world ocean. It was part of the Soviet Union, which was always a major world power in extractive industries. The fact that very little of the wealth in metallic ores (tungsten) has been commercially exploited in Ukraine has good reasons behind it: namely the Ukrainian deposits are found in rock formations that are very difficult and expensive to mine commercially. 

When the video link to yesterday’s NewsX program is sent to me, I will post it here. My apologies to the kind gentleman who prepares transcripts of my video appearances. Please be assured that this is the last NewsX propaganda exercise into which I will be lured

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2025

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Warten auf die Eröffnung der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz: Welchen „Friedensplan“ bringt das Team Trump mit?

Hat die Aufhebung des Drucks der USA auf staatliche Zensur auf Social-Media- und Videoplattformen wie YouTube seit der Amtseinführung von Donald Trump einen Unterschied in dem gemacht, was wir im Internet sehen und hören? Mein intuitives Urteil lautet „Ja“. Tag für Tag bin ich erstaunt über die Verbreitung von Desinformation und Fake News, die jetzt von Online-Sendern in den alternativen Medien kommen, während die Sensationslust der „Yellow Press“ zunimmt, um ein Publikum anzuziehen und zahlende Sponsoren zu gewinnen. Plattformen mögen sich mit der Technologie ändern, aber menschliche Instinkte bleiben gleich. Durch einen merkwürdigen Zufall geschieht dies genau in dem Moment, in dem sich lügnerische und propagandistische Mainstream-Medien wie The New York Times und The Financial Times bei der Vorstellung abgekühlt haben, dass die Ukraine Russland eine strategische Niederlage zufügt, indem sie alle seit 2014 verlorenen Gebiete zurückerobert, und stattdessen mehr faktenbasierte Berichterstattung über die täglichen Rückschläge der ukrainischen Streitkräfte und den bevorstehenden russischen Sieg präsentieren.

Ein typisches Beispiel für Gerüchteküche erreichte mich vor einem Tag in meinem E-Mail-Postfach. Freunde aus Brüssel schickten mir den Link zu einem gerade veröffentlichten Podcast von Clayton Morris (Redacted), der behauptet, den Inhalt des Friedensplans zu kennen, den Trumps Team auf der in zwei Tagen beginnenden Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz vorstellen wird. Dieser Plan sieht angeblich eine gemeinsame russisch-ukrainische Kontrolle der umstrittenen ostukrainischen Regionen Nowaja Rossija vor, die derzeit von russischen Truppen gehalten werden, während der Beitritt der Ukraine zur Europäischen Union vorgesehen ist. Er sieht eine sofortige Einstellung der Feindseligkeiten vor. Moskau soll durch die Freigabe seiner eingefrorenen Vermögenswerte an russische Oligarchen dazu bewegt werden, dem Plan zuzustimmen. Ach ja, und zu Beginn eines Waffenstillstands würden die Vereinigten Staaten alle weiteren Waffenlieferungen an Kiew einstellen.

Wer weiß? Vielleicht gehört ein solch unwahrscheinlicher Plan zu den Papieren, die General Kellogg, Trumps Abgesandter in der Ukraine und Russland, Vizepräsident J.D. Vance und Außenminister Marco Rubio mit nach München nehmen. Die Vorstellung, dass Putin durch die eigennützigen Diktate seiner eigenen russischen Oligarchen dazu gebracht werden könne, vor dem starken Mann in Washington auf die Knie zu fallen, ist so völlig realitätsfremd, dass sie leicht von Trumps Mitarbeitern stammen könnte, die über die Funktionsweise Russlands genauso schlecht informiert zu sein scheinen wie Jake Sullivan und Tony Blinken in der Biden-Administration.

Wir können nur raten, denn Trump selbst erklärte gestern in seinen letzten Gesprächen mit Reportern von Fox News, dass er in der vergangenen Woche große Fortschritte auf dem Weg zum Frieden gemacht habe. Er sagte, er habe mit Putin telefoniert. Er hoffe immer noch, Wladimir Putin und Wolodymyr Selenskyj zu persönlichen Verhandlungen zusammenzubringen.

Beachten Sie, dass Donald Trumps Herangehensweise an die Verhandlungen über ein Ende des Russland-Ukraine-Krieges bisher genau die gleichen Elemente von Prahlerei, Einschüchterung und Hybris aufweist, wie wir sie auch bei all seinen anderen Schachzügen an der internationalen Front beobachten können, wie z.B. seine Drohung mit 25-prozentigen Zöllen gegen Mexiko und Kanada, seine Forderung, dass Dänemark Grönland an die USA „verkauft“ und seine Verhängung neuer, angeblich vernichtender Sanktionen gegen den Iran, um Gespräche über eine umfassende Beilegung der jahrzehntelangen Konfrontation aus einer Position der Stärke, wie die Amerikaner das empfinden, zu eröffnen.

Beachten Sie auch, dass Trumps Taktik im Fall des Iran bisher völlig gescheitert ist. Vor einer Woche lehnte der Oberste Führer des Landes, Ali Khamenei, Verhandlungen mit Trump rundheraus ab und sagte, die Amerikaner seien nicht vertrauenswürdig und Trumps Eröffnungsbemühungen seien „würdelos“.

Genau dieselben neuen, vernichtenden Sanktionen wurden von Trump gegen Russland verhängt, um vor amerikanischen Bewunderern seine Stärke zu demonstrieren: nämlich Sanktionen, die sich gegen die sogenannte Schattenflotte von Öltankern richten, die Russland, wie auch der Iran, zusammengestellt haben, um die Lieferung von Öl an Exportmärkte vollständig in die eigenen Hände zu nehmen, einschließlich der Bereitstellung von Versicherungsschutz für die Tanker. In beiden Fällen beabsichtigt Trump, die Exporte und Deviseneinnahmen beider Länder auf null zu reduzieren.

Der ganze Optimismus aus dem Trump-Lager, dass es in den Beziehungen zu Russland die Trümpfe in der Hand halte, steht im Widerspruch zu den gestrigen Aussagen des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Sergej Rjabkow, dass die Beziehungen zu den USA „an einem Wendepunkt angelangt sind“. Der Krieg werde erst dann enden, so Ryabkow, wenn die von Wladimir Putin im Juni 2023 festgelegten Bedingungen erfüllt seien. Zu diesen Bedingungen gehören der Abzug aller ukrainischen Streitkräfte aus den vier ostukrainischen Regionen, die offiziell in die Russische Föderation integriert wurden, die Ablehnung der Hoffnungen Kiews auf einen Beitritt zum NATO-Bündnis sowie die Annahme eines neutralen Status ohne die Anwesenheit von ausländischem Militärpersonal oder Einrichtungen auf seinem Territorium. Wir sollten uns daran erinnern, dass Ryabkow derselbe Beamte ist, der im Dezember 2021 das Ultimatum Russlands an die USA verkündete, in dem die NATO aufgefordert wurde, zu ihren Grenzen von 1997 zurückzukehren, d.h. vor den mehreren Erweiterungswellen, die die ehemaligen Länder des Warschauer Pakts und die baltischen Staaten umfassten.

Gestern sagte Ryabkov auch, dass es derzeit keine Aussichten auf erfolgreiche Gespräche mit den Vereinigten Staaten über Beschränkungen für bodengestützte Mittelstreckenraketen oder andere Punkte auf der Tagesordnung zur Regulierung der strategischen Stabilität gibt. Es versteht sich von selbst, dass über Ryabkovs sehr deprimierende Botschaft in den westlichen Medien nicht berichtet wird. Niemand will die Party verderben, die in München eröffnet werden soll.

Wenn wir uns die Teilnehmerliste für die Münchner Konferenz ansehen, scheint jeder anwesend zu sein … außer den Russen. Was erwartet sich die amerikanische Delegation, die von der Nummer zwei (Vizepräsident) und Nummer drei (Außenminister) der US-Bundesregierung angeführt wird, anderes, als mit ihren europäischen Verbündeten zu „konferieren“, die in Wirklichkeit nur Vasallen sind, die tun werden, was Washington ihnen sagt. Natürlich wird auch Wolodymyr Zelensky anwesend sein, obwohl er auch hier nur eine Belastung für die Gespräche darstellt, da seine Meinung nichts zählt.

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Zu meinem Bedauern nahm ich gestern Nachmittag an einer Vierer-Podiumsdiskussion über die neuesten Entwicklungen im Russland-Ukraine-Krieg teil, die vom indischen globalen Sender NewsX veranstaltet wurde. Zu meinen Mitdiskutanten gehörte ein Professor einer Universität in Kiew, der bereits in zwei früheren NewsX-Programmen aufgetreten war, bei denen ich anwesend war. Er bewies einmal mehr, dass er in einer Parallelwelt lebt und sich überhaupt nicht um die 57.000 Landsleute kümmert, die in der russischen Region Kursk getötet oder schwer verwundet wurden. Alles, was zählt, ist, dass das Land in Kursk, das die Ukrainer halten, ein Verhandlungspunkt sein wird, wenn ein Abkommen zur Beendigung des Krieges geschlossen wird. Auch der ukrainische Professor hat kein Interesse an den täglichen Verlusten an Männern und Territorium an der Front im Donbass, wo die ukrainischen Linien bröckeln. Sein einziges Interesse besteht darin, darauf zu bestehen, dass andere Diskussionsteilnehmer, allen voran ich selbst, anerkennen, dass Russland der Aggressor ist und dass die Ukrainer für ihre Freiheit kämpfen.

Dann gab es zwei neue amerikanische Diskussionsteilnehmer, die anscheinend in Think Tanks beratende Positionen für die US-Regierung innehaben und beide völlig unwissend über Russland sind. Ich habe sie mir angesehen, als wir alle vor der Ausstrahlung im „Warteraum“ von Zoom waren, und ich habe ihr kleines Gespräch untereinander mitbekommen. Einer sagte, dass er kurz davor stehe, nach Israel und Jordanien zu reisen, die er zum ersten Mal besuchen werde. Sein Freund versicherte ihm, dass er eine tolle Zeit haben würde, wenn er diese schönen Länder besucht. Dies war der eindeutige Beweis dafür, dass beide Herren an unheilbarer Selbstüberschätzung leiden und in einer Blase der postfaktischen Welt leben. Was sie über das Ende des Ukraine-Krieges zu sagen hatten, war vollkommen auf einer Linie: Trump muss den Druck auf Russland wirklich erhöhen, ihnen zeigen, dass er ihre Wirtschaft zerstören kann, und neue Waffen in die Ukraine schicken, die bisher zurückgehalten wurden, um den Sieg der Ukraine zu sichern. In der Sendung gelang es mir, dieser Dummheit entgegenzuwirken, indem ich sagte, dass selbst wenn Biden senil gewesen sei, diejenigen, die tatsächlich für die Außenpolitik verantwortlich waren, Sullivan und Blinken, bereits den maximalen Druck auf Russland ausgeübt hätten, und sie zu Recht verstanden hätten, dass Russland den Vereinigten Staaten den Krieg erklären würde, wenn sie noch weiter gehen würden.

Ich nehme für mich in Anspruch, den Gastgebern und anderen Diskussionsteilnehmern einen Schlag versetzt zu haben, und zwar in Bezug auf ein anderes Thema, das die Fantasie der westlichen Medien beflügelt hat: Trumps Ankündigung, dass die Vereinigten Staaten einen Teil der 350 Milliarden Dollar an Hilfsgeldern, die sie der Ukraine in den letzten drei Jahren zur Verfügung gestellt haben, zurückerhalten sollten, indem sie die Seltenerdvorkommen und andere Bodenschätze der Ukraine in Besitz nehmen. Die Produzenten von NewsX wollten dies unter dem Gesichtspunkt der völkerrechtlichen Zulässigkeit diskutieren. Meine Antwort war auf einer anderen Ebene: Die 13 Billionen Dollar an Bodenschätzen, die angeblich in der Ukraine unter der Erde liegen und nur auf amerikanische Investoren und Bergbauunternehmen warten, sind eine reine Fiktion, die von den Trump-Leuten in die Welt gesetzt wurde, um die Welt davon abzulenken, dass Amerika die Ukraine verlässt und das Chaos den Europäern überlässt, wie wir an dem Tag sehen werden, an dem die Briten die Führung der Ramstein-Gruppe der militärischen Unterstützer der Ukraine übernehmen.

De facto ist die Ukraine keine unentdeckte Insel irgendwo auf dem Weltmeer. Sie war Teil der Sowjetunion, die in der Rohstoffindustrie schon immer eine Weltmacht war. Die Tatsache, dass nur sehr wenig des Reichtums an metallischen Erzen (Wolfram) in der Ukraine kommerziell genutzt wurde, hat gute Gründe: Die ukrainischen Vorkommen befinden sich nämlich in Gesteinsformationen, die nur sehr schwer und teuer kommerziell abzubauen sind.

Wenn mir der Videolink zur gestrigen NewsX-Sendung geschickt wird, werde ich ihn hier posten. Ich entschuldige mich bei dem freundlichen Herrn, der Transkripte meiner Videoauftritte erstellt. Bitte seien Sie versichert, dass dies die letzte NewsX-Propagandaübung ist, in die ich gelockt werde.

Translation below into Spanish (Chod Zom)

A la espera del inicio de la Conferencia de Seguridad de Múnich, ¿qué «plan de paz» trae el equipo Trump?

¿Ha, el levantamiento de la presión estadounidense sobre la censura estatal en las redes sociales y plataformas de vídeo como YouTube desde la toma de posesión de Donald Trump, cambiado algo? Mi intuición me dice que sí.  Día tras día, me sorprende la proliferación de desinformación y noticias falsas procedentes de las emisoras alineadas en los medios alternativos, a medida que aumenta el sensacionalismo de la “prensa amarilla” con el fin de atraer audiencia y conseguir patrocinadores que paguen. Las plataformas pueden cambiar con la tecnología, pero los instintos humanos siguen siendo los mismos. Por curiosa coincidencia, esto está ocurriendo en el mismo momento en que medios de comunicación mentirosos y propagandísticos medios dominantes como The New York Times y The Financial Times han enfriado [su posición] ante la idea de que Ucrania está asestando una derrota estratégica a Rusia mientras recupera todos sus territorios perdidos desde 2014, y están publicando más informes basados en hechos sobre los reveses diarios de las fuerzas ucranianas y la victoria rusa que se acerca.

Un claro ejemplo de propagación de rumores, llegó a mi correo electrónico, enviado por amigos en Bruselas, con el enlace a un podcast que acaba de publicar Clayton Morris (Redacted) en el que afirmaba conocer el contenido del plan de paz que el equipo de Trump presentará en la Conferencia de Seguridad de Múnich que comienza dentro de dos días. Este plan supuestamente proporcionará el control conjunto ruso-ucraniano de las regiones disputadas del este de Ucrania de ”Novaya Rossiya” ahora en poder de las tropas rusas, mientras que se prevé la entrada de Ucrania en la Unión Europea. Establecerá un cese inmediato de las hostilidades. Se incentivará a Moscú para que acuerde mediante la liberación de los activos congelados a los oligarcas rusos. Ah, sí, y al comienzo del alto el fuego, Estados Unidos detendría todas las entregas de armas a Kiev.

¿Quién sabe?  Tal vez un plan tan improbable se encuentre entre los papeles que el general Kellogg, el emisario de Trump para Ucrania y Rusia, el vicepresidente J.D. Vance y el secretario de Estado Marco Rubio están llevando consigo a Múnich. La idea de que Putin puede ser movido a hacer una genuflexión ante el hombre fuerte de Washington por los dictados interesados de sus propios oligarcas rusos es tan absolutamente ignorante de las realidades rusas que fácilmente podría haber sido propuesta por el personal de Trump, que parecen estar tan mal informados sobre lo que hace funcionar a Rusia, como lo estaban Jake Sullivan y Tony Blinken en la administración Biden.

Podemos quedarnos con la duda, porque el propio Trump declaró ayer, en sus últimas charlas con los periodistas de Fox News, que había hecho grandes progresos hacia la paz en la última semana. Dijo que había hablado por teléfono con Putin. Èl todavía espera reunir a Vladímir Putin y Volodymyr Zelenski en negociaciones cara a cara.

Tenga en cuenta que, hasta ahora, la estrategia de Donald Trump para negociar el fin de la guerra entre Rusia y Ucrania, tiene exactamente los mismos elementos de bravuconería, intimidación y arrogancia que vemos en todos sus otros primeros movimientos en el frente internacional, como sus amenazas de aranceles del 25 % contra México y Canadá, su exigencia de que Dinamarca «venda» Groenlandia a USA y su imposición, de lo que pretende ser, nuevas aplastantes sanciones contra Irán con el fin de iniciar conversaciones sobre una solución integral a la confrontación que dura décadas, desde lo que los estadounidenses perciben como “una posición de fuerza”.

Obsérvese también, que en el caso de Irán las tácticas de Trump han fracasado por completo hasta ahora. Hace una semana, el líder supremo del país, Ali Jamenei, rechazó rotundamente entablar negociaciones con Trump, tachando a los estadounidenses de no ser dignos de confianza y calificando sus movimientos iniciales de «indignos».

Exactamente las mismas nuevas sanciones aplastantes fueron impuestas por Trump a Rusia para mostrar su músculo a los admiradores estadounidenses: es decir, sanciones dirigidas contra la llamada flota sombra (”shadow fleet”) de petroleros que Rusia, al igual que Irán, ha reunido para hacer la entrega de petróleo a los mercados de exportación que están totalmente en sus propias manos, incluída la provisión de cobertura de seguro para los petroleros. La intención de Trump en ambos casos es reducir a cero las exportaciones y los ingresos en divisas de ambos países.

Todo el optimismo procedente del bando de Trump, de tener las mejores cartas en las relaciones con Rusia se desvanece con las declaraciones de ayer por la tarde del viceministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Rusia, Sergei Ryabkov, en las que afirmaba que las relaciones con EE. UU. «están en el punto de ruptura».  La guerra terminará, dijo Ryabkov, sólo cuando se cumplan las condiciones establecidas por Vladímir Putin en junio de 2023. Estas condiciones incluyen la retirada de todas las fuerzas militares ucranianas de las cuatro regiones del este de Ucrania que han sido integradas formalmente en la Federación Rusa, la renuncia de Kiev a su aspiración de entrar en la OTAN, junto con la aceptación de un estatus neutral sin la presencia de ningún personal o instalaciones militares extranjeras en su territorio. Recordemos que Ryabkov es el mismo funcionario que, en diciembre de 2021 anunció el ultimátum de Rusia a EE. UU., llamando a la retirada de la OTAN a las fronteras de 1997, es decir, antes de las múltiples oleadas de expansión que incorporaron los antiguos países del Pacto de Varsovia y los Estados bálticos.

Ayer, Ryabkov también dijo que actualmente no hay perspectivas de éxito en las discusiones con Estados Unidos sobre las limitaciones a los misiles terrestres de medio alcance u otros puntos de la agenda para regular la estabilidad estratégica. Ni hace falta decir, que el mensaje tan deprimente de Ryabkov no fue informado por los medios de comunicación occidentales. Nadie quiere aguar la fiesta que está por comenzar en Munich.

Cuando miramos la lista de asistentes a la conferencia de Munich, todos parecen estar presentes… excepto los rusos. ¿Qué espera conseguir la delegación estadounidense, encabezada por el número dos (vicepresidente) y número tres (secretario de Estado) de los funcionarios del gobierno federal de Estados Unidos, aparte de «conferenciar» con sus aliados europeos que, en realidad, no son más que vasallos que harán todo lo que Washington les diga que hagan? Por supuesto, también asistirá Volodymyr Zalensky, aunque también en este caso, no es más que un peso muerto en las conversaciones, ya que su opinión no cuenta para nada.

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Para mi pesar, ayer por la tarde participé en un panel de discusión a cuatro bandas sobre las últimas cuestiones de la guerra entre Rusia y Ucrania organizado por la cadena global india NewsX. Los panelistas que me acompañaban incluían a un profesor de una universidad de Kiev, que ya apareció en dos programas anteriores de NewsX en los que estuve presente. Demostró, una vez más, que vive en un mundo paralelo, que no le importan en absoluto los 57.000 compatriotas que han muerto o han quedado gravemente mutilados en la región rusa de Kursk; lo único que cuenta es el terreno en Kursk que puedan tener los ucranianos para ser un punto de negociación cuando se llegue a un acuerdo para poner fin a la guerra. A este profesor ucraniano tampoco le interesa la pérdida diaria de hombres y territorio en el frente de Donbás, donde las líneas ucranianas se están desmoronando. Su único interés es insistir en que otros panelistas, en primer lugar yo mismo, admitan que Rusia es el agresor y que los ucranianos luchan por su libertad.

También había dos nuevos panelistas americanos que, al parecer, trabajan como asesores para el gobierno de EE. UU. en centros de estudios (”think tanks”), ambos completamente ignorantes en lo que respecta a Rusia. Tomé cuenta de ello, cuando mientras estábamos todos en la sala de espera del Zoom antes de salir al aire, y escuché una breve conversación entre ellos. Uno dijo que estaba a punto de viajar a Israel y Jordania, que visitaba por primera vez. Su amigo le aseguró que lo pasaría muy bien visitando esos hermosos países. Esa fue una prueba de que ambos caballeros padecen una arrogancia incurable y viven en una burbuja del mundo posfactual. Lo que tenían que decir sobre el fin de la guerra de Ucrania estaba perfectamente alineado: Trump tiene que aumentar realmente la presión sobre Rusia, demostrarles que puede destruir su economía y enviar nuevas armas a Ucrania, que han sido retenidas hasta ahora, para asegurar la victoria ucraniana. Al aire, logré rebatir esta tontería diciendo que, si bien Biden estaba senil, los verdaderos responsables de la política exterior, Sullivan y Blinken, ya habían aplicado la máxima presión sobre Rusia, más allá de la cual, entendían correctamente que, Rusia declararía la guerra a los Estados Unidos.

Me atribuyo el mérito de haber dado un puñetazo a los anfitriones y compañeros panelistas en lo que respecta a otro tema que ha acaparado la imaginación de los medios de comunicación occidentales: el anuncio de Trump de que Estados Unidos debería recuperar los 350.000 millones de dólares que han sido dados a Ucrania en ayudas, durante los últimos tres años, apoderándose de los yacimientos de tierras raras y otras riquezas minerales de Ucrania.  Los productores de NewsX querían discutir este tema desde la perspectiva de su conveniencia según el derecho internacional. Mi respuesta fue a otro nivel: los 13 billones de dólares en riqueza mineral que se dice yacen bajo tierra en Ucrania a la espera de inversores y empresas mineras estadounidenses, es una ficción total que la gente de Trump ha creado para distraer al mundo de que América está bajando por la rampa de salida en Ucrania y dejando el lío a los europeos, como veremos en un día cuando los británicos asuman el liderazgo del grupo Ramstein de los partidarios militares de Ucrania.

De facto, Ucrania no es una isla por desconocida en algún lugar del océano mundial. Formó parte de la Unión Soviética, que siempre fue una gran potencia mundial en el sector de las industrias extractivas. El hecho de que muy poco de la riqueza en minerales metálicos (wolframio) haya sido explotado comercialmente en Ucrania, se debe a varias razones: los yacimientos ucranianos se encuentran en formaciones rocosas muy difíciles y costosas de explotar comercialmente.

Cuando me envíen el enlace del vídeo del programa NewsX de ayer, lo publicaré aquí. Pido disculpas al amable caballero que prepara las transcripciones de mis apariciones en vídeo. Tengan por seguro que este es el último ejercicio de propaganda de NewsX en el que me veré arrastrado.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2025

Francis Boyle, in memoriam

Tribute to my best penpal, fellow alumnus of Russian studies at Harvard, Professor Francis Boyle

It came as a shock to learn today about Francis Boyle’s passing.

I had a lively correspondence with him for the past several years though we never had occasion to meet. Our friendship developed on the basis of shared views on international affairs, both as an academic discipline and in the real world of geopolitics.

From time to time, he commented on my writings and videos. Indeed, his last email to me was with regard to a snippet in my 9 January chat with Judge Napolitano on the subject of Tony Blinken’s scandalous press conference just before leaving office.

I had said that Blinken’s recitation of the delusional principals which guided his policies in office represented his “claim to a professorship at Columbia University, which is the modern day successor to The Hoover Institution in California as the graveyard of failed politicians.”

This obviously tickled Boyle who wrote back to me: “LOL! Fab.”

At other times, our correspondence was dead serious with respect to what actions could, should be taken to impeach Joe Biden before he succeeded in taking us all to the grave with him in a nuclear exchange. Boyle had drafted and circulated among several Congressmen a draft resolution to that effect, charging the President with violating his Constitutional powers by waging war on Russia without Congressional authorization.

Indeed, here in matters of policy towards Russia, not in Boyle’s better-known activities as human rights defender and advisor to the Palestinians, is where had most of our exchanges. We shared thoughts about the present-day devastation of Russian studies, when Harvard and Columbia have become centers of Ukrainian propaganda, and also about our common experience at Harvard in the 1960s-1970s with many of the same professors of Russian and Soviet history.

For Boyle, Harvard was where he got his doctorate in this field and his law degree; it was where I got my A.B. degree and then came back for two years as a post-doctoral fellow at the Russian Research Center, now the Davis Center. We both had our critical thoughts about senior staff, in particular Richard Pipes and Adam Ulam. We both had great respect for the medievalist and great linguist Ned Keenan who was my sophomore year tutor and Francis’ best Irish friend on campus, virtually the only faculty member who actually liked Russia, aside from one chap in the Comparative Lit department (Valentine Boss). We both knew how few of the newly minted doctorates at the end of the 70s could ever hope to find lasting employment in academic life. Francis was one of the few, one of the very best.

He was also, most exceptionally, for a human rights lawyer, a strong exponent of the Realist School of international politics, meaning the principles of Westphalia, interest driven foreign policy as opposed to values driven policy.

Francis Boyle took great pride in his legal work in the 1980s relating to disarmament. Among his most memorable achievements was to have drafted what became the U.S. implementing legislation on the international chemical weapons ban.

His death leaves a void that no one can fill. His career was unique and he was busy building it out almost to the time of his death. He confided in me a couple of months ago that he was very pleased to have fought and won to keep his faculty position in Russian affairs at the University of Illinois, quite apart from his law school work. The mainstream faculty wanted to expel him for being a square peg in the round hole of conformists and disseminators of State Department press releases that they were.

Francis Boyle was a brave soul with lively wit whom I will never forget.

Gilbert Doctorow

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Francis Boyle, in memoriam

Hommage an meinen besten Brieffreund, einen ehemaligen Kommilitonen im Fach Russisch in Harvard, Professor Francis Boyle

Die Nachricht vom Tod von Francis Boyle war ein Schock für mich.

Ich hatte in den letzten Jahren einen regen Briefwechsel mit ihm, obwohl wir uns nie persönlich getroffen haben. Unsere Freundschaft entwickelte sich auf der Grundlage gemeinsamer Ansichten über internationale Angelegenheiten, sowohl als akademische Disziplin als auch in der realen Welt der Geopolitik.

Von Zeit zu Zeit kommentierte er meine Schriften und Videos. In seiner letzten E-Mail ging es um einen Ausschnitt aus meinem Chat mit Judge Napolitano vom 9. Januar über Tony Blinkens skandalöse Pressekonferenz kurz vor seinem Ausscheiden aus dem Amt.

Ich hatte gesagt, dass Blinkens Rezitieren der wahnhaften Prinzipien, die seine Politik im Amt leiteten, seinen „Anspruch auf eine Professur an der Columbia University“ unterstütze, „die der moderne Nachfolger der Hoover Institution in Kalifornien als Friedhof gescheiterter Politiker ist“.

Das hat Boyle offensichtlich amüsiert, denn er schrieb mir zurück: „LOL! Fab.“ (LOL! – Laughing Out Loud! – „Zum Totlachen!“; Fab. – Francis A. Boyle)

Zu anderen Zeiten war unsere Korrespondenz todernst, wenn es darum ging, welche Maßnahmen ergriffen werden könnten und sollten, um Joe Biden anzuklagen, bevor es ihm gelänge, uns alle in einem nuklearen Schlagabtausch mit ins Grab zu reißen. Boyle hatte einen entsprechenden Resolutionsentwurf verfasst und unter mehreren Kongressabgeordneten in Umlauf gebracht, in dem er den Präsidenten beschuldigte, seine verfassungsmäßigen Befugnisse zu verletzen, indem er ohne Genehmigung des Kongresses einen Krieg gegen Russland führe.

Tatsächlich fand hier, in Fragen der Russlandpolitik, nicht in Boyles bekannteren Aktivitäten als Menschenrechtsverteidiger und Berater der Palästinenser, der größte Teil unseres Austauschs statt. Wir tauschten uns über die heutige Verwüstung der Russlandstudien aus, als Harvard und Columbia zu Zentren der ukrainischen Propaganda wurden, und auch über unsere gemeinsamen Erfahrungen in Harvard in den 1960er- und 1970er-Jahren mit vielen der gleichen Professoren für russische und sowjetische Geschichte.

Boyle promovierte in Harvard auf diesem Gebiet und erwarb dort seinen Abschluss in Rechtswissenschaften. Ich erwarb dort meinen Bachelor-Abschluss und kehrte dann für zwei Jahre als Postdoktorand am Russian Research Center, dem heutigen Davis Center, zurück. Wir hatten beide unsere kritischen Gedanken über leitende Mitarbeiter, insbesondere Richard Pipes und Adam Ulam. Wir hatten beide großen Respekt vor dem Mediävisten und großen Linguisten Ned Keenan, der in meinem zweiten Studienjahr mein Tutor war und Francis’ bester irischer Freund auf dem Campus, praktisch das einzige Fakultätsmitglied, das Russland wirklich mochte, abgesehen von einem Mann in der Abteilung für Vergleichende Literaturwissenschaft (Valentine Boss). Wir wussten beide, wie wenige der frischgebackenen Doktoren Ende der 70er Jahre jemals auf eine dauerhafte Anstellung im akademischen Leben hoffen konnten. Francis war einer der wenigen, einer der allerbesten.

Er war auch, was für einen Menschenrechtsanwalt außergewöhnlich ist, ein starker Vertreter der Realistischen Schule der internationalen Politik, d.h. der Prinzipien von Westfalen, einer interessengeleiteten Außenpolitik im Gegensatz zu einer wertegeleiteten Politik.

Francis Boyle war sehr stolz auf seine juristische Arbeit in den 1980er Jahren im Zusammenhang mit der Abrüstung. Zu seinen denkwürdigsten Errungenschaften gehörte der Entwurf des US-amerikanischen Durchführungsgesetzes zum internationalen Verbot chemischer Waffen.

Sein Tod hinterlässt eine Lücke, die niemand füllen kann. Seine Karriere war einzigartig und er war bis kurz vor seinem Tod damit beschäftigt, sie weiter auszubauen. Vor ein paar Monaten vertraute er mir an, dass er sehr froh darüber war, dass er dafür gekämpft und gewonnen hatte, seine Position als Dozent für russische Angelegenheiten an der University of Illinois zu behalten, ganz abgesehen von seiner Arbeit an der juristischen Fakultät. Die etablierte Fakultät wollte ihn ausschließen, weil er ein „quadratischer Pflock im runden Loch der Konformisten und Verbreiter von Pressemitteilungen des Außenministeriums“ war, die sie selbst waren.

Francis Boyle war ein mutiger Mensch mit lebhaftem Witz, den ich nie vergessen werde.

Translation below into Spanish (Chod Zom)

Francis Boyle, in memoriam

Homenaje a mi mejor amigo por correspondencia, compañero de estudios rusos en Harvard, el profesor Francis Boyle

La noticia del fallecimiento de Francis Boyle me ha conmocionado.

Mantuve una animada correspondencia con él durante los últimos años, aunque nunca tuvimos ocasión de vernos. Nuestra amistad se desarrolló sobre la base de puntos de vista compartidos sobre asuntos internacionales, tanto como disciplina académica como en el mundo real de la geopolítica.

De vez en cuando comentaba mis escritos y vídeos. De hecho, el último correo electrónico que me envió se refería a un fragmento de mi charla del 9 de enero con el juez Napolitano sobre el tema de la escandalosa rueda de prensa de Tony Blinken justo antes de dejar el cargo.

Yo había dicho que la recitación de Blinken de los delirantes principios que guiaron su política en el cargo representaba su «pretensión a una cátedra en la Universidad de Columbia, que es la sucesora moderna de la Institución Hoover de California como cementerio de políticos fracasados».

Obviamente, esto le hizo gracia a Boyle, que me contestó: «¡LOL! Fabuloso».

En otros momentos, nuestra correspondencia era muy seria con respecto a las medidas que podían, debían tomarse para procesar políticamente a Joe Biden antes de que consiguiera llevarnos a todos a la tumba con él en un intercambio nuclear. Boyle había redactado y distribuido entre varios congresistas un proyecto de resolución a tal efecto, acusando al Presidente de violar sus poderes constitucionales al promover la guerra a Rusia sin autorización del Congreso.

De hecho, aquí, en cuestiones de política hacia Rusia, y no en las actividades más conocidas de Boyle como defensor de los derechos humanos y asesor de los palestinos, es donde tuvimos la mayor parte de nuestros intercambios. Compartimos reflexiones sobre la devastación actual de los estudios rusos, cuando Harvard y Columbia se han convertido en centros de propaganda ucraniana, y también sobre nuestra experiencia común en Harvard en los años 1960-1970 con muchos de los mismos profesores de historia rusa y soviética.

Para Boyle, Harvard fue donde obtuvo su doctorado en este campo y su licenciatura en Derecho; fue donde yo obtuve mi licenciatura y luego regresé durante dos años como investigador posdoctoral en el Russian Research Center, ahora el Davis Center. Ambos teníamos nuestros pensamientos críticos sobre el personal superior, en particular Richard Pipes y Adam Ulam. Ambos sentíamos un gran respeto por el medievalista y gran lingüista Ned Keenan, que fue mi tutor en segundo año y el mejor amigo irlandés de Francis en el campus, prácticamente el único miembro del profesorado al que realmente le gustaba Rusia, aparte de un joven del departamento de Literatura Comparada (Valentine Boss). Ambos sabíamos que muy pocos de los recién doctorados a finales de los setenta podían esperar encontrar un empleo duradero en la vida académica. Francis era uno de los pocos, uno de los mejores.

También fue, lo que es más excepcional para un abogado de derechos humanos, un firme exponente de la Escuela Realista de política internacional, es decir, de los principios de Westfalia, de la política exterior impulsada por los intereses en contraposición a la política impulsada por los valores.

Francis Boyle se enorgullecía de su labor jurídica en materia de desarme en la década de los 80. Entre sus logros más memorables figura el haber redactado lo que se convirtió en la legislación estadounidense que implementa la prohibición internacional de armas químicas.

Su muerte deja un vacío que nadie podrá llenar. Su carrera era única y estuvo ocupado en desarrollarla hasta casi el momento de su muerte. Hace un par de meses me confió que estaba muy contento de haber luchado y ganado para mantener su puesto de profesor de asuntos rusos en la Universidad de Illinois, aparte de su trabajo en la facultad de Derecho. La corriente dominante del profesorado quería expulsarlo por ser una forma cuadrada en el agujero redondo de los conformistas y difusores de los comunicados de prensa del Departamento de Estado, que eran.

Francis Boyle era un alma valiente de ingenio vivo a quien nunca olvidaré.

Gilbert Doctorow

Transcript of ‘Dialogue Works’ edition of 6 February

Transcript submitted by a reader

Nima R. Alkhorshid: 0:05
Hi everybody. Today is Thursday, February 6th, 2025, and our friend Gilbert Doctor is back with us. Welcome back, Gilbert.

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD:
Good to be with you.

Alkhorshid:
Let’s talk about Donald Trump and the way that he’s behaving right now. Many people are so confused. What does he want in Ukraine? And what is his grand plan about Ukraine?

Doctorow: 0:29
Well, I’d like to take a step back, because many people are confused by everything that Donald Trump has done in the last two weeks. They think that he is just a man on a rampage, that he’s taking revenge for his [predecessor], Biden, and he’s trying to undo everything that Biden did, whether that makes sense or not. They believe that he’s a shallow person. He couldn’t possibly think in a comprehensive way to have a program.

Those thoughts, which I understand, are so justified, because they are disseminated by all major media and because you look at each of the things that Trump is doing, taken separately, looks a bit strange, if not just bizarre and the work of a madman. However, there’s nothing of a madman in Donald Trump. And whether he is the author of the comprehensive program that he is putting in in the first two weeks of the office or not is irrelevant. It is going out over his name and with his full backing.

1:36
And therefore, it is essential to understand that there is a programmatic approach to dismantling parts of the US government which must be dismantled by hook or, I’ll say it, by crook. And the latter point, of course, takes me into opposition with people who are defenders of legality, people who [protest] the manner that Trump is doing this, what he’s doing now, like the sending, allowing a Musk to enter the treasury and to root out various abuses and scams, or still more, allowing him to illegally stop, halt all USAID programs, call the people from abroad back home, and shut the people, the USAID workers out of their offices.

But these things are egregious violations of the principle of law. I will address that, if you allow me, as our conversation proceeds. My point is that all of these things, they will be strange separate things, like the decree yesterday that bans transgender women, non-biological women from participating in female sports.

2:56
They have one thing in common. They are trying to dismantle, to drive a stake through the heart of Liberalism with a capital L. Now the audience, much of the audience, being given that this is the non-traditional media, will be surprised or shocked by what I’m saying. But I ask them please to bear with me. Liberalism with a capital L was taken on by a French political philosopher who most of the audience has never heard of. Indeed there are political philosophers, political thinkers in France, not just Mr. Macron and his clowning around. He is not France. He may be the king for a day, but he’s not France. And there are thinkers of great weight, even people who are saying in France, things like you and your guests are saying in the States.

3:58
A man named Emmanuel Todd. Your audience doesn’t know him. He’s in French. Very little is translated into English. And he had an interview on Figaro a couple of weeks ago, which was posted on video. Within four days, 750,000 people saw it. This is a kind of audience that John Mearsheimer has in the States. This is France. France was just busy demonstrating against the two-year raise in the pension age and things like that, but trivial things compared to world peace. But Emmanuel Todd has plugged into a multi-million audience in France that is concerned about the state of global relations and whether or not there’s going to be a new world war.

4:52
This same France produced a political philosopher who’s close to my age, I guess, maybe he’s older, a man named Alain de Benoit, who produced a book about five years ago called “Anti-Liberalism – Society is Not a Marketplace”. And the book sets out a series of essays. Many of these essays are only addressed to professional philosophers, and they take in the names of thinkers in European past, which the vast audience doesn’t know and doesn’t need to know. But there are similar essays which are perfectly lucid and clear to any ordinary person.

5:32
And I would stress within them, he explains what liberalism is all about, both economic liberalism and political liberalism. Because these are two strands of liberalism that get confused in the public mind. But they have something in common. That something in common is that the highest value of all is the individual, the ego, and that everything must be done– human rights are all built around the individual. That is what universal human rights are about. That is the highest value.

6:08
And everything else must be sacrificed on that altar. And when you take that as the principle, then of course, control of your own body, which is the argument used in favor of abortions. Then the right to own a handgun, if I want to take the other side of the political aisle, is a natural right of every person.

More important globally, when you look at what Mr. Trump has been doing, free movement of people and goods across borders is a universal right under the principles of liberalism, because every individual has a right to go and work where he wants to. and shouldn’t be kept out with visas and other procedures. And similarly goods. They should travel everywhere. Borders are meaningless.

6:58
And Mr. Trump is denying that essence, the essence of that, by imposing tariffs and trying to close down global supply chains. He is anti-globalism, and globalism is one of the manifestations of liberalism, because it encapsulates, as I just said, free movement of goods, people, and capital.

So what looks like disparate actions by Mr. Trump, which can be criticized, taken individually, like the tariffs. Do they make sense? How are they to affect inflation? Will they really re-industrialize America? All these issues that our media and I think the public discusses are irrelevant. That’s not why Trump is doing it.

7:46
He’s doing it to go to the jugular of the liberal world order, which liberal world order has given us 30 years of unrelenting warfare in which the United States has killed millions of people and paid no price and no accountability.

Mr. Trump in shutting down USAID, and his move to depopulate the CIA by asking all – all – CIA employees to quit, to take early retirement — he is going after the institutions within the US government which have bedeviled our politics for the last 10, 20 years, which caused him, his first administration to be powerless because they tarred him with this Russiagate business.

And he, instead of just firing one or two people at the top, just as in his first administration. One person at the top, Victoria Nuland, quit. We said, “Oh, how wonderful.” It didn’t change anything, because there are a lot of Victoria Nulands lower down. And they all were installed 2001, when Dick Cheney gutted the US government, federal government, and put in neocons in every place possible.

9:08
So in this time around, Donald Trump is doing what he can to ensure that there’ll be no backstabbing against him on his policies, that they will be implemented faithfully by people who will be new hires, who will not have been installed by Dick Cheney in 2001. That is the essence bringing together all of these disparate activities that people find confusing.

9:36
And they also– Mr. Trump is a showman, but then we’ve had other showman presidents, who can’t be a bigger showman than Ronald Reagan was. And by general accords, he wasn’t too bad, although there are a lot of critics who don’t agree with me. But nonetheless, he certainly was not the silly cowboy or the salesman for General Electric with how electricity brings progress. He was a lot more than these few rather silly generalizations which were attached to his name. That is, Reagan. So it is with Trump.

10:16
He’s doing a lot of confounding things, not least of which his rollout of his plans for the Trump Tower Gaza in the press conference two days ago together with Netanyahu. These things I hope we will have time to explain in a way that I don’t think any of your other guests has taken the time to do because they’re focused on one or two issues of the day and that is not among them.

Alkhorshid: 10:45
It’s hard to talk about it, Gilbert. I think that Donald Trump was talking– even many people in his administration were shocked by his plan, but it was written in a paper, he was reading that plan. And the United States will take over Gaza. How did you find it?

Doctorow:
Brilliant. Everyone else thought it was idiotic. “How can he do that? How can he? Forcibly, by the point of a gun … ship out 1.8 million or 2 million Gazans? The Jordanians don’t want them, the Egyptians don’t want them, Saudi Arabia says no, the whole Democratic Party doesn’t want it, how can he do this?”

He can’t. It doesn’t occur to people that he’s saying something he knows he cannot do. So it was the purpose of it all? When I was asked about this a couple of days ago in another talk or interview program, they played that moment in the joint press conference that Netanyahu and Trump had, in which he made the announcement we’re talking about. And I was asked to comment on the body language of Netanyahu, which I hadn’t paid attention to before, And I did. And when you look at it, you understand that Netanyahu was hearing this for the first time in front of the cameras. What does that tell you? It was a trap.

12:12
In front of the cameras, Netanyahu was forced to say it’s a brilliant idea and that Trump is the best friend Israel has. And he’s gong to have a very hard time backing away from those statements. And what does this mean if Gaza is, so to speak, American property? It means that Netanyahu can no longer vomit. And what does that mean?

Practically speaking, an end of the genocide. Has anybody out there in major media, alternative media, noticed this little detail? They [haven’t], because they think that Trump is an idiot. Well, he’s not. They’re the idiots.

12:56
They are not seeing what’s in front of their eyes, that he has just trapped Netanyahu into ending the war on Gaza. And if the war on Gaza is indeed ended, then Netanyahu’s tenure in office will be measured in weeks, because he’s only been able to use his position as a war prime minister to hold on to power. And if he loses power, he’ll be in jail a few weeks later, because there are very serious corruption proceedings against him and now against his wife.

So the two of them could share jail time. They’ll be in jail for the wrong reasons. They won’t be in jail in the Hague as a war criminal, which is what it deserves. But he’ll be taken out of political life, which would be a great benefit to the world, to the Middle East, and to his own people.

Alkhorshid:
You mentioned something so important that I’ve noticed, when Donald Trump was talking about Iran and the conflict between the United States– and the United States wants to talk with Iran, wants to go after some sort of deal. I saw that Netanyahu wasn’t that comfortable about the idea coming from Donald Trump. That was so much obvious in his nonverbal actions.

Doctorow: 14:22
Again, it’s a trap. He’s just declaring that Trump is the best friend Israel has ever had among American presidents. How can he take issue with Trump’s plan to reestablish an American embassy in Tehran, which is probably a matter of weeks away, and to negotiate an end to the conflict that is nominally holding the Iranian enrichment programs and preparation for a nuclear weapon.

If they agree on that, and I think it’s a certainty, not a possibility, but a certainty, then the whole situation in the Middle East changes dramatically against people like Netanyahu. And why do I say it’s a certainty? Because I go back several weeks to what Iran concluded with Russia as their so-called comprehensive cooperation treaty, which had no mutual defense provisions. The only provisions they had, quite strangely, were that they would not attack one another.

15:34
They would not join any other country that is subverting or militarily attacking or imposing sanctions, trade sanctions, on the other country. And not a word of this. There will be military cooperation, there will be joint military exercises, which they’ve had all along. It’s not a new development. And there probably will be some exchange of military supplies, deliveries coming, though it’s not specified, and that will be discussed in the future, but no mutual defense requirement.

16:15
If Israel, with the United States, were to attack Iran, Russia is under no obligation whatsoever to support Iran. Now why would the Iranians have done that? Only because they have an IOU from Trump in their pocket.

Alkhorshid: 16:37
Do you think that– we were talking about Iran and the new president of Iran. Right now, how do they feel about the new president of Iran in Russia? Do they really feel that he’s going to get closer to the West? And how do they see the relationship, the current phase of the relationship between Iran and Russia?

Doctorow:
The thing that you have to remember, when every time someone’s, “Oh, it’s a great setback for Russia, Oh, they’re gonna have to move their bases out of Syria”, and so what? It’s a big country with a lot of friends everywhere, and if they have a setback here, they’ll make a gain somewhere else. And they take these things in their stride. So the question of Iran restoring relations with the United States is not a negative for Russia.

17:30
I think they would like to have a prosperous Russia, a prosperous Iran to the south, an Iran that is not supporting terrorist organizations anywhere. It’s in their interest to see terror suppressed, not encouraged. And they have used, together with the Chinese, they have used the entry and membership of Iran in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, in BRICS, as a way of stabilizing Iran, giving Iran the confidence of having big and powerful friends and not being alone, isolated, a pariah nation, which is what the United States has tried to do to Iran ever since 1980.

18:16
So if they end the sanctions on the Iranian economy, frankly, it will be a plus for Russia. They will have more money available to implement the major infrastructure projects that they share, including this north-south route, which will be very important to Russia and to Kazakhstan and other neighboring countries, since they will also access this north-south route, which will be a seamless, multi-modal transport system, mostly rail, but not only, also naval vessels, that greatly speeds up and increases the capacity of shipments from Russia down to India.

19:10
The last section of this course is by sea, from a port in south Iran. It will be a big help for the Russian economy if this is realized. And that is part of the comprehensive agreement, which will not be undone by anything the Americans try to negotiate with Iran. Therefore, I don’t think that this possibility of the new Iranian president making an outreach and successful outreach to the West is a matter of concern for the Kremlin.

Alkhorshid: 19:50
No. And the conflict in Ukraine right now as the, Keith Kellogg is going to present his plan in the Munich Security Conference next week, What do we know about that, and are they going to consider the main concerns, the main reasons that Russia went to war in Ukraine?

Doctorow:
Well, Keith Kellogg is not one of the brighter lights in the room, nor is he acting independently. For that matter, what people tend to miss — so important that Rubio get appointed, and what does this mean, and is he going to bring his very anti-Trump values to bear in the State Department — is utterly meaningless, because the room for maneuver, the room for his personal execution of things in American foreign policy is very circumscribed by Mr. Trump through his emissaries who are assigned to negotiate and to pursue the most important foreign policy initiatives in Trump’s agenda. Kellogg is one of them, and it’s not because he’s a genius.

21:01
It’s simply, I think, that Trump understood that taking a man who’s basically anti-Russian and is welcomed by the overwhelming anti-Russian majority, the uniparty in Congress, will make it easier for him to get through what he wants to get done because Kellogg is not a free man. He is a hired hand of Trump, to do Trump’s bidding. Now, as to what you just said, the peace plan that he’s going to present perhaps at this February gathering, the Munich Security Conference, it’s only part of the picture. I was very interested to see on Russian news yesterday that that Dmitry Peskov, the spokesman for the president’s office in Russia, was saying that there are many, many strands of communications now open with United States. That is by itself a very important break with the last four years under President Biden.

22:13
It is a big comfort to those of us who would like to see some modicum of understanding rather than this brick wall that the Biden administration put up to keep Russia out and Russia silenced and not to listen to what those people on the other side of the world were saying. So that already, that brick wall has just crumbled, and they are talking. And I assure you they are not talking about just about the particulars of a truce, which is what General Kellogg will be discussing. And they’re discussing more than the elections that Kellogg has just recently said should be held to put in a legal parliament, that is a new Rada and a new president to replace Zelensky.

23:10
It’s understood “replaced” with elections, automatically the guy’s out. He doesn’t have more than 10% support in polling. This is a new element which came from the Russians. So of course the Trump people are listening to Mr. Putin and his demands. The timing, what comes first, what kind of compromise or gestures Putin will make to let Trump look good. He’s going on very delicate subjects. He’s walking on eggs, Mr. Trump is, and he cannot look as if he is giving up everything and Putin is giving up nothing. No, of course, there has to be some at least superficial exchange that gives Trump strength at home, but does not sacrifice vital interests of Russia.

24:09
And I think the timing when the ceasefire comes in, what the relation in timing to the ceasefire and the elections in Ukraine will be. And that’s only part of the story. I don’t think the Russians would begin to deal with Trump if he were not also talking with them about, as you said at the start of this discussion, about what brought them into the war altogether.

That was the demand, it was an ultimatum from December 15th, I think was the date of issuance by Russia, by Deputy Minister Yatkov, demand that NATO and United States enter into serious negotiations to roll back the personnel and installations of NATO from countries that were either Soviet republics, as the Baltics, or members of the Warsaw Pact that were brought into NATO after 1997.

Nobody said that NATO has to be disbanded. Nobody said that they should be, that their membership in NATO should be revoked, but there should be no personnel from Europe, Western Europe, no installations, military installations with revolving or temporary assignment people, which was essentially meaning a permanent presence of Germany, for example, in the Baltics. All of that should be disbanded, they should be sent home.

25:40
And I can also imagine that the Russians are insisting that there be an agreement on the intermediate-range missiles. These are supposed to be installed by the United States and Germany in ’25-’26. I would expect the Russians demand that that be suspended and revoked. And for which in return, they will suspend the stationing of their own Oreshnik and other Kinzhal and other intermediate- range missiles that otherwise would be presented in forward positions in Belarus and in Kaliningrad, but that will be overturned.

Unlike the 1980s when the SS-20s Soviet missiles that were opposing American missiles stationed in Germany, and that caused a lot of angst, a lot of fear in Central Europe, and all of which ended in the treaty on medium range missiles that as a result compelled Soviets to destroy their large stock of such missiles.
26:56
Nothing of that nature can be envisaged today. The Russians are not going to destroy what they just built. It’s been built at great cost in engineering efforts, in industrial efforts, and which they feel gives them security. So they will not destroy them, but just pull them back, not deploy them in a very threatening way, where you have just a five- or seven-minute warning time between launch of these missiles, like Oreshnik, and their hitting targets here in Belgium.

27:33
So I think these various, very substantial overarching topics are being discussed now between the United States and Russia and give Mr. Putin some comfort and some flexibility in how he deals with the demand for a ceasefire.

Alkhorshid: 27:53
I think many of us are surprised by Donald Trump’s attitude, that he didn’t call Vladimir Putin so far. He didn’t try to talk with him directly and who’s or what’s avoiding him from doing that?

Doctorow:
I think that the longer he waits, the more probable it is that the Russians will essentially solve the Ukrainian problem on the ground. The forces are, the Ukrainian armies are crumbling on the front; they cannot maintain all points on the front. They are being rolled back. They do not have defensive positions to fall back into, and so post-haste they try to protect themselves against the advancing Russian army. And they keep on falling back, and they’ll fall back to the Dnieper. I think that Trump would reasonably wait for the Russians to reach the Dnieper before he has a big discussion with Putin.

28:52
What are they going to talk about now? The Russians are winning, and why would they stop winning? But they don’t want to take over Ukraine. That is absolutely clear, was from the beginning. And so Trump can be reasonably confident that what’s left of Ukraine will be somehow viable and can be the subject of an eventual treaty between Russia and the new Ukrainian state that the United States can subscribe to, as one of many guarantors.

Alkhorshid: 29:27
Gilbert, you mentioned about the arms control. Do you think that there is a possibility of the United States, Russia, and China getting together and finding a new way of putting an end to this increasing level of, I don’t know, bombs and everything and missiles and how can they deal? We know that Donald Trump withdrew from the INF Treaty because he was, in those days, he was arguing that China is not part of the deal. That’s why it’s not fair for us. How about now? Are they going to be capable to do that together?

Doctorow: 30:10
I think it’s all the more necessary, all the more timely. And it is more likely that China will respond positively today than it did back then. The Chinese are under very big American pressure, commercial, military pressure. They are not yet ready to take on the United States Navy, even if they have more ships. They have zero battle experience with those ships.

Their capability in an armed confrontation is absolutely unknown, whereas American capabilities are better known. And they have been building their stock of medium-range missiles for the purpose of keeping the Americans at bay. So yes, indeed, the Russians, I think, will agree that it is senseless to have a new agreement on these intermediate-range missiles in which the Chinese do not participate. And I think the Chinese this time will participate. So we have the makings here of a new Yalta [Conference].

Yalta was about the big three. It was Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin. And I think that the Yalta 2.0 today will be another big three. It will be Xi, Trump, and Putin. Trump likes to see himself in this historical perspective as one of the most consequential presidents in American history. And if it proceeds in this line, he will be justified, because his golden age of peace is actually within reach.

32:02
And he is busily dismantling all of those structures within the US Government which have caused the wars and which will be otherwise busy 24 on 24, 7 on 7, trying to destroy him.

Alkhorshid:
The issue for Europe is somehow different, because Donald Trump wants them to increase the defense budget from 2 to 5 percent. Emmanuel Macron said that they’re going to double their defense budget. Germany said they’re not capable of doing this. How is that going to work for Europeans? And is that possible? Is Donald Trump willing to negotiate as he did with Canada, Mexico, after putting tariffs on them?

Doctorow: 32:56
This 5% talk is, it should be taken with the same level of seriousness as the Trump Tower in Gaza. This is not serious. The European countries cannot possibly fulfill that requirement without having social disorder and riots in the streets. There is no room in the budgets to provide this additional military expenditure without curbing the already limited social welfare systems that were in place. The French medical structure has weakened tremendously in the last several years, pre-COVID, during COVID, and after. The money isn’t there. The people aren’t there.

33:43
Here in Belgium, the government of the incoming or new Prime Minister, De Wever, is a Thatcherite government looking to curb benefits, welfare benefits, housing benefits, unemployment benefits, cut to the bone, very unpopular. Will this government then turn around and raise dramatically Belgium’s military expenditures? It won’t survive for a day if it does that. In Germany, the same story.

34:18
This is– Trump has intentionally raised the bar to be sure that they all fail and that they quibble among themselves over this, with the maniacs in– I call them maniacs– in the East, in the Baltics, in Poland, fighting tooth and nail against the sober-minded people who actually are democratic finally and have to face electorates and know that this is suicide to raise the military budget in that way.

Alkhorshid: 34:54
I think right now for Germany, the question would be, would Donald Trump let them to, again, having some sort of economic relations with Russia? Or is that going to be in the plan that Elon Musk is supporting AfD, but AfD wants to reconnect the pipeline between Germany and Russia. That would be so much important for the economy of Germany. How do you find that?

Doctorow: 35:24
Well, it’s rather improbable that the AfD will control the political agenda in Germany after the elections. It’s unclear whether they will have enough votes to frustrate the efforts of the Christian Democrats and Mr. Merz at the head to form a coalition that has a majority in the parliament. But what actually they were able to do if they are admitted as a member of a governing coalition remains to be seen because their position on, as you just described, is diametrically opposed to the viciously anti-Russian positions of the Christian Democrats, who are the single largest polling party among the centrist parties in Germany.

36:15
Let’s remember what is the cradle of the Alternative for Germany. It is Eastern Germany, where there always, after the reunification of Germany, and the failure and the carpet bagging of West German politicos who came in and steamrolled all of the executives, all of the higher government officials in East Germany, took away their livelihood and appropriated to themselves — that will never be forgiven or forgotten in East Germany.

And the economic miracle of West Germany never was fully realized in East Germany. They had lagged behind the whole time after the unification. The West Germans are bitter over the additional taxes that were imposed on them to support the vast expenditure of money in East Germany to raise the standards of infrastructure and so forth.

37:16
So they’re discontent over what happened in reunification. And the East Germans say that this West German gangster group has not realized the hopes that they had when they voted for the Deutschmark and for reunification. Therefore, that basis, which you’ll always have, the question is how much of the middle of German politics can they eat away at?

There also is the other question, which I put up only as a hypothetical, because in practical experience, my own experience, hoping that the left and the right can combine on some issues, and it never happened in Europe, I mean. There’s also the 11 percent of the German electorate who will show up in favor of the leftist candidates with her own party, Sahra Wagenknecht, who came from her husband’s party, Oskar Lafontaine, came from Die Linke, the leftist party. She is in favor of Russian, of relations with Russia, good relations with Russia.

38:28
If they can join at least that issue and somehow contest the ambitions of the centrists led by Merz, doing some deal with the SPD, the socialists of Scholz, throwing him some bone, his fellow party members, some ministerial portfolios. It’s an open question, but I’d say it is doubtful that the voice of reason and establishing normal relations with Russia will win out when the votes are counted and government is formed. But I don’t exclude it as a possibility.

Alkhorshid: 39:16
Gilbert, I know that you talk, you’ve mentioned the situation with Ukraine, but do you think that the new election in Ukraine would be a precondition for Russia to go after negotiations, or they can go after negotiations and they think about the new president of Ukraine elections and all of these political changes in Ukraine?

Doctorow:
I think the second version that you had, and there’s a number of reasons for it. One, simply why refuse Trump his moment of glory? Why? There’s no reason to deprive him of that by imposing stiff-necked conditions. First, the Ukrainians actually withdraw from all of the Donetsk. This is a tough one. There’s a second reason.

That is, yes, if they are clever, and I think in the Kremlin they’re not stupid, that if they negotiate now, with even with deputies appointed by Zelensky, and they will reach an agreement similar to that which was rejected in April of 2022, with many of the conditions, or of course not with the boundaries are gone, that’s over. What’s left of Ukraine to be signing on to these terms of demilitarization and the absence of any foreign advisors of military equipment in their country and so forth.

40:51
If they proceed to prepare such a document for signing, the existence of that document and the terms of that document could be a big influence on the outcome of the elections, in a positive sense, because it could demonstrate that there is an end to this war, which is not the total destruction of Ukraine, that sovereignty will exist within more limited boundaries that are closer to having some ethnic or national and linguistic homogeneity than the pre-war boundaries were.

So I think from the standpoint of the Kremlin, there are good reasons for making what looks like a compromise on the demands of Trump, helping Trump look good, at the same time serving their own interests.

Alkhorshid: 41:44
Thank you so much, Gilbert, for being with us today. Great pleasure, as always.

Doctorow:
Well, it was my pleasure.

Alkhorshid: 41:53
Take care. See you soon. Bye-bye.

Translation below into Spanish (Chod Zom)

Transcripción de la edición de «Dialogue Works» del 6 de febrero

Transcripción enviada por un lector

Nima R. Alkhorshid: 0:05
Hola a todos. Hoy es jueves, 6 de febrero de 2025, y nuestro amigo Gilbert Doctor vuelve a estar con nosotros. Bienvenido de nuevo, Gilbert.

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD:
Me alegro de estar contigo.

Alkhorshid:
Hablemos de Donald Trump y del modo en que se está comportando ahora mismo. Mucha gente está muy confundida. ¿Qué quiere en Ucrania? ¿Y cuál es su gran plan sobre Ucrania?

Doctorow: 0:29
Bueno, me gustaría dar un paso atrás, porque mucha gente está confundida por todo lo que Donald Trump ha hecho en las últimas dos semanas. Creen que no es más que un hombre enloquecido que se está vengando de su predecesor, Biden, y que está intentando deshacer todo lo que hizo Biden, tenga o no sentido. Creen que es una persona superficial. Que él no podría tener una forma integral de tener un programa.

Esos pensamientos, que entiendo, están muy justificados, porque los mayores medios de comunicación los difunden y porque, si las cosas que está haciendo Trump, se analizan por separado, parecen un poco extrañas, si no simplemente bizarras y obra de un loco. Sin embargo, no hay nada de loco en Donald Trump. Y que sea o no el autor del programa integral que está poniendo en marcha en las dos primeras semanas de mandato es irrelevante. Saldrá en su nombre y con su pleno respaldo.

1:36
Y por lo tanto, es esencial entender que hay un enfoque programático para desmantelar partes del gobierno de Estados Unidos que deben ser desmanteladas por todos los medios, yo diré. Y este último punto, por supuesto, me lleva a estar en oposición con personas que defensoras de la legalidad, personas que [protestan] por la forma en que Trump está haciendo esto, lo que está haciendo ahora, como el envío, permitendole a un Musk entrar en el tesoro y erradicar varios abusos y estafas, o aún más, permitirle detener ilegalmente, detener todos los programas de USAID, llamar a la gente del extranjero de vuelta a casa, y dejar a la gente, a los trabajadores de USAID fuera de sus oficinas.

Pero estas cosas son violaciones atroces del principio de derecho. Me referiré a ello, si me lo permites, a medida que avance nuestra conversación. Lo que quiero decir es que todas estas cosas, serán cosas extrañas separadas, como el decreto de ayer que prohíbe a las mujeres transexuales, mujeres no biológicas, a participar en deportes femeninos.

2:56
Ellas tienen una cosa en común. Están intentando desmantelar, clavar una estaca en el corazón del Liberalismo con L mayúscula. Ahora la audiencia, gran parte de la audiencia, dado que este es un medio de comunicación no tradicional, se sorprenderá o se escandalizará por lo que estoy diciendo. Pero les pido por favor que tengan paciencia conmigo. El liberalismo con una L mayúscula fue asumido por un filósofo político francés del que la mayoría de la audiencia nunca ha oído hablar. De hecho hay filósofos políticos, pensadores políticos en Francia, no solo el señor Macron y sus payasadas. Él no es Francia. Èl podrá ser el Rey por un día, pero él no es Francia. Y hay pensadores de gran peso, incluso gente que en Francia está diciendo cosas como las que usted y sus invitados están diciendo en Estados Unidos.

3:58
Un hombre llamado Emmanuel Todd. Su público no lo conoce. Èl está en francés. Muy poco está traducido al inglés. Y él ha dado una entrevista en Figaro, hace un par de semanas, que fue publicada en vídeo. En cuatro días la vieron 750 000 personas. Este es el tipo de audiencia que tiene John Mearsheimer en Estados Unidos. Esto es Francia. Francia estaba ocupada manifestándose contra el aumento de dos años en la edad de jubilación y cosas por el estilo, pero son cuestiones triviales en comparación con la paz mundial. Pero Emmanuel Todd ha conectado con una audiencia multimillonaria en Francia que está preocupada por el estado de las relaciones globales y por si va a haber una nueva guerra mundial o no.

4:52
Esta misma Francia produjo un filósofo político que está cerca de mi edad, supongo, tal vez sea mayor, un hombre llamado Alain de Benoit, que produjo un libro hace unos cinco años llamado «Antiliberalismo – La sociedad no es un mercado». Y el libro presenta una serie de ensayos. Muchos de estos ensayos están dirigidos únicamente a filósofos profesionales, y recogen nombres de pensadores del pasado europeo, que el gran público no conoce ni necesita conocer. Pero hay ensayos similares que son perfectamente lúcidos y claros para cualquier persona corriente.

5:32
Y yo destacaría dentro de ellos, el en que explica en qué consiste el liberalismo, tanto el liberalismo económico como el liberalismo político. Porque son dos vertientes del liberalismo que se confunden en la mente del público. Pero tienen algo en común. Ese algo en común es que el valor más alto de todos es el individuo, el ego, y que todo debe hacerse -los derechos humanos están todos construidos alrededor del individuo. De eso tratan los derechos humanos universales. Ese es el valor supremo.

6:08
Y todo lo demás debe ser sacrificado en ese altar. Y cuando tú tomas eso como principio, entonces por supuesto, el control de tu propio cuerpo, que es el argumento usado a favor de los abortos. Entonces el derecho a poseer una pistola, si quiero tomar el otro lado del pasillo político, es un derecho natural de cada persona.

Y lo que es más importante a nivel mundial, viendo lo que ha estado haciendo el señor Trump, la libre circulación de personas y mercancías a través de las fronteras es un derecho universal según los principios del liberalismo, porque toda persona tiene derecho a ir y trabajar donde quiera y no se le debe impedir el paso con visados y otros trámites. Y del mismo modo las mercancías. Deberían viajar a todas partes. Las fronteras no tienen sentido.

6:58
Y el señor Trump está negando esa esencia, la esencia de eso, imponiendo aranceles e intentando cerrar las cadenas de suministro globales. Èl es antiglobalista, y el globalismo es una de las manifestaciones del liberalismo, porque encapsula, como acabo de decir, la libre circulación de bienes, personas y capitales.

Así que lo que parecen acciones disparatadas del Sr. Trump, que pueden ser criticadas, tomadas individualmente, como los aranceles. ¿Tienen sentido? ¿Cómo afectarán a la inflación? ¿Reindustrializarán realmente América? Todas estas cuestiones que nuestros medios de comunicación y creo que el público discuten son irrelevantes. No es por eso por lo que Trump lo está haciendo.

7:46
Lo hace para ir a la yugular del orden mundial liberal, un orden mundial liberal que nos ha dado 30 años de guerra implacable en la que Estados Unidos ha matado a millones de personas y no ha pagado ningún precio ni ha rendido cuentas.

El Sr. Trump, al cerrar USAID, y con su medida de despoblar la CIA pidiendole a todos -todos- los empleados de la CIA que renuncien, que se jubilen anticipadamente, está yendo contra las instituciones dentro del gobierno estadounidense que han atormentado nuestra política durante los últimos 10, 20 años, que le provocaron, a su primera administración fuera impotente porque lo mancharon con este asunto del Rusiagate.

Y él, en lugar de simplemente despedir a una o dos personas de la cúpula, al igual que en su primera administración. Una persona en la cima, Victoria Nuland, renunció. Dijimos, «Oh, qué maravilloso». No cambió nada, porque hay muchas Victoria Nuland más abajo. Y todas ellas fueron instaladas en 2001, cuando Dick Cheney destripó el gobierno de EEUU, el gobierno federal, y puso neoconservadores en todos los lugares posibles.

9:08
Así que en esta ocasión, Donald Trump está haciendo lo que puede para asegurarse de que no habrá puñaladas por la espalda contra él en sus políticas, que serán implementadas fielmente por las personas de las nuevas contrataciones, que no habrán sido las instaladas por Dick Cheney en 2001. Esa es la esencia que reúne todas estas actividades disparatadas que la gente encuentra confusas.

9:36
Y ellos también, el Sr. Trump es un actor, pero ya hemos tenido otros presidentes actores,quién puiede ser un mayor actor que Ronald Reagan. Y en general se acuerda, que no era tan malo, aunque hay muchos críticos que no están de acuerdo conmigo. Pero sin embargo, no era ni el vaquero tonto ni el vendedor de General Electric con que la electricidad traía el progreso. Èl era mucho más que esas pocas generalizaciones bastante tontas asociadas a su nombre. Es decir, Reagan. Lo mismo ocurre con Trump.

10:16
Está haciendo muchas cosas confusas, entre las que destaca su despliegue de sus planes para la Torre Trump de Gaza en la rueda de prensa de hace dos días junto con Netanyahu. Esas cosas, espero que tengamos tiempo de explicarlas de una manera que no creo ninguno de sus otros invitados se ha tomado el tiempo de hacer porque están centrados en uno o dos temas del día y este no está entre ellos.

Alkhorshid: 10:45
Es difícil hablar de ello, Gilbert. Creo que Donald Trump estaba hablando, incluso mucha gente de su administración estaba conmocionada por su plan, pero estaba escrito en un papel, él estaba leyendo ese plan. Y Estados Unidos se harán cargo de Gaza. ¿Cómo lo encontró?

Doctorow:
Brillante. Todos los demás pensaban que era una idiotez. «¿Cómo puede hacer eso? ¿Cómo puede? ¿A la fuerza, a punta de pistola… expulsar a 1,8 millones o 2 millones de gazatíes? Los jordanos no los quieren, los egipcios no los quieren, Arabia Saudita dice que no, todo el Partido Demócrata no lo quiere, ¿cómo puede hacer esto?»

No puede. No se le ocurre a la gente que está diciendo algo que sabe que no puede hacer. ¿Entonces cuál era el propósito de todo eso? Cuando me preguntaron sobre esto hace un par de días en otro programa de entrevistas o tertulias, pusieron ese momento de la rueda de prensa conjunta que dieron Netanyahu y Trump, en la que hizo el anuncio del que estamos hablando. Y me pidieron que comentara el lenguaje corporal de Netanyahu, al que no había prestado atención antes, y lo hice. y cuando lo miras, entiendes que Netanyahu estaba escuchando esto por primera vez delante de las cámaras. ¿Qué te dice eso? Era una trampa.

12:12
Ante las cámaras, Netanyahu se vio obligado a decir que es una idea brillante y que Trump es el mejor amigo que tiene Israel. Y le va a costar mucho retractarse de esas declaraciones. ¿Y qué significa esto si Gaza es, por así decirlo, propiedad estadounidense? Significa que Netanyahu ya no puede vomitar. ¿Y qué significa eso?

En la práctica, el fin del genocidio. ¿Alguien de los grandes medios de comunicación, de los medios alternativos, se ha dado cuenta de este pequeño detalle? No, porque piensan que Trump es idiota. Pues no lo es. Los idiotas son ellos.

12:56
No están viendo lo que tienen delante de los ojos, que acaba de atrapar a Netanyahu para que ponga fin a la guerra contra Gaza. Y si se pone fin a la guerra en Gaza, entonces la permanencia de Netanyahu en el cargo se medirá en semanas, porque sólo ha sido capaz de utilizar su posición como primer ministro de guerra para aferrarse al poder. Y si pierde el poder, estará en la cárcel unas semanas más tarde, porque hay procedimientos muy graves por corrupción contra él y ahora contra su esposa.

Así que los dos podrían compartir el tiempo de cárcel. Estarán en la cárcel por las razones equivocadas. No estarán en la cárcel de La Haya como criminales de guerra, que es lo que se merece. Pero él será apartado de la vida política, lo que sería un gran beneficio para el mundo, para Oriente Medio y para su propio pueblo.

Alkhorshid:
Usted mencionó algo tan importante que he notado, cuando Donald Trump estaba hablando de Irán y el conflicto entre los Estados Unidos- y los Estados Unidos quiere hablar con Irán, quiere ir por algún tipo de acuerdo. Vi que Netanyahu no estaba muy cómodo con la idea de Donald Trump. Eso era muy obvio en sus acciones no verbales.

Doctorow: 14:22
De nuevo, es una trampa. Acaba de declarar que Trump es el mejor amigo que Israel ha tenido entre los presidentes estadounidenses. Cómo puede discrepar con el plan de Trump de restablecer una embajada estadounidense en Teherán, que probablemente sea cuestión de semanas, y de negociar el fin del conflicto que nominalmente detiene los programas de enriquecimiento iraníes y la preparación para un arma nuclear.

Si se ponen de acuerdo en eso, y creo que es una certeza, no una posibilidad, sino una certeza, entonces toda la situación en Oriente Medio cambia drásticamente en contra de gente como Netanyahu. ¿Y por qué digo que es una certeza? Porque me remonto varias semanas atrás a lo que Irán concluyó con Rusia por ellos llamado tratado de cooperación integral, que no tenía disposiciones de defensa mutua. Las únicas disposiciones que tenían, curiosamente, eran que no se atacarían mutuamente.

15:34
No se unirían a ningún otro país que esté subvirtiendo o atacando militarmente o imponiendo sanciones, sanciones comerciales, al otro país. Y ni una palabra de esto. Habrá cooperación militar, habrá ejercicios militares conjuntos, que han tenido todo el tiempo. No es algo nuevo. Y probablemente habrá algún intercambio de suministros militares, entregas llegando, aunque no se ha especificado, y eso se discutirá en el futuro, pero ningún requisito de defensa mutua.

16:15
Si Israel, con Estados Unidos, atacara a Irán, Rusia no tiene obligación alguna de apoyar a Irán. ¿Por qué habrían de hacerlo los iraníes? Solo porque tienen un pagaré de Trump en el bolsillo.[1]

Alkhorshid: 16:37
¿Crees que… – estábamos hablando de Irán y del nuevo presidente de Irán. Ahora mismo, ¿qué piensan en Rusia del nuevo presidente de Irán? ¿Creen realmente que se va a acercar a Occidente? ¿Y cómo ven la relación, la fase actual de la relación entre Irán y Rusia?

Doctorow:
Lo que tú debes recordar, cuando cada vez que alguien dice, «Oh, es un gran revés para Rusia, Oh, van a tener que mover sus bases fuera de Siria», ¿y qué? Es un gran país con un montón de amigos en todas partes, y si tienen un revés aquí, van a hacer una ganancia en otro lugar. Y se toman estas cosas con calma. Así que la cuestión de que Irán restablezca relaciones con Estados Unidos no es negativa para Rusia.

17:30
Creo que les gustaría tener una Rusia próspera, un Irán próspero al sur, un Irán que no apoye a organizaciones terroristas en ningún sitio. Es de su interés suprimir el terror, no que se fomente. Y han utilizado, junto con los chinos, la entrada y la membresía de Irán a la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái, al BRICS, como una forma de estabilizar a Irán, dando a Irán la confianza de tener grandes y poderosos amigos y no estar solo, aislado, una nación paria, que es lo que Estados Unidos ha intentado hacer con Irán desde 1980.

18:16
Así que si acaban con las sanciones a la economía iraní, francamente, será una ventaja para Rusia. Dispondrán de más dinero para llevar a cabo los grandes proyectos de infraestructuras que comparten, incluida esta ruta norte-sur, que será muy importante para Rusia y para Kazajstán y otros países vecinos, ya que también accederán a esta ruta norte-sur, que será un sistema de transporte multimodal sin fisuras, sobre todo ferroviario, pero no sólo, también buques navales, que agilizan y aumentan enormemente la capacidad de los envíos desde Rusia hasta la India.

19:10
El último tramo de este recorrido es por mar, desde un puerto del sur de Irán. Será una gran ayuda para la economía rusa si esto se lleva a cabo. Y esto forma parte del acuerdo integral, que no se deshacerá por nada que los estadounidenses intenten negociar con Irán. Por lo tanto, no creo que esta posibilidad de que el nuevo presidente iraní trate de acercarse y tenga éxito en su acercamiento a Occidente sea motivo de preocupación para el Kremlin.

Alkhorshid: 19:50
No. Y el conflicto en Ucrania en este momento, Keith Kellogg va a presentar su plan en la Conferencia de Seguridad de Munich la próxima semana, ¿Qué sabemos acerca de eso, y van a considerar las principales preocupaciones, las principales razones por las que Rusia fue a la guerra en Ucrania?

Doctorow:
Bueno, Keith Kellogg no es una de las luces más brillantes en la habitación, ni está actuando de forma independiente. Para el caso, lo que la gente tiende a pasar por alto -tan importante es que Rubio sea nombrado, y qué significa esto, y si va a aportar sus valores muy contrarios a Trump en el Departamento de Estado- carece totalmente de sentido, porque el margen de maniobra, el margen personal para la ejecución de cosas en la política exterior estadounidense está muy circunscrito por el Sr. Trump a través de sus emisarios que son asignados para negociar y conseguir las iniciativas de política exterior más importantes en la agenda de Trump. Kellogg es uno de ellos, y no porque sea un genio.

21:01
Es simple, creo, Trump entendió que tomar a un hombre que es básicamente antirruso y que es bien recibido por la abrumadora mayoría antirrusa, el partido único del Congreso, le facilitará sacar adelante lo que quiere hacer porque Kellogg no es un hombre libre. Él es una mano contratada de Trump, para cumplir las órdenes de Trump. Ahora, en cuanto a lo que acabas de decir, el plan de paz que va a presentar tal vez en esta reunión de febrero, la Conferencia de Seguridad de Munich, es sólo una parte de la imagen. Me interesó mucho ver en las noticias rusas de ayer que Dmitry Peskov, el portavoz de la oficina del presidente en Rusia, decía que ahora hay muchas, muchas vías de comunicación abiertas con Estados Unidos. Esto supone en sí mismo una ruptura muy importante con los últimos cuatro años bajo la presidencia de Biden.

22:13
Es un gran consuelo para aquellos de nosotros a los que nos gustaría ver algún mínimo de entendimiento en lugar de este muro de ladrillos que la administración Biden levantó para mantener a Rusia fuera y a Rusia silenciada y no escuchar lo que decían esas personas al otro lado del mundo. Entonces ya ese muro de ladrillos se ha derrumbado y están hablando. Y te aseguro que no están hablando sólo de los detalles de una tregua, que es lo que discutirá el general Kellogg. Y están hablando de algo más que de las elecciones que Kellogg acaba de decir que deberían celebrarse para instalar un parlamento legal, es decir, una nueva Rada y un nuevo presidente que sustituya a Zelensky.

23:10
Se entiende «sustituir» con elecciones, automáticamente el tipo está fuera. No tiene más del 10% de apoyo en las encuestas. Este es un nuevo elemento que vino de los rusos. Así que por supuesto la gente de Trump está escuchando al Sr. Putin y sus demandas. La sincronización, qué es lo primero, qué tipo de compromiso o gestos hará Putin para que Trump quede bien. Está entrando en temas muy delicados. Está pisando huevos. El señor Trump lo está haciendo, y no puede parecer que lo está cediendo todo y Putin no está cediendo nada. No, por supuesto, tiene que haber algún intercambio al menos superficial que dé fuerza a Trump en casa, pero que no sacrifique intereses vitales de Rusia.

24:09
Y creo que el momento en que se produzca el alto el fuego determinará la relación en el tiempo entre este y las elecciones en Ucrania.  Y eso es sólo una parte de la historia. No creo que los rusos empezaran a negociar con Trump si él no hablara también con ellos sobre, como dijiste al principio de esta discusión, sobre lo que les metió en la guerra.

Esa fue la demanda, fue un ultimátum el 15 de diciembre, creo que fue la fecha de emisión por parte de Rusia, por el viceministro Yatkov, la demanda de que la OTAN y los Estados Unidos entren en negociaciones serias para retirar al personal y las instalaciones de la OTAN de los países que eran repúblicas soviéticas, como los bálticos, o miembros del Pacto de Varsovia que fueron llevados a la OTAN después de 1997.

Nadie ha dicho que la OTAN tenga que disolverse. Nadie ha dicho que deban hacerlo, que su pertenencia a la OTAN deba ser revocada, pero no debe haber personal de Europa, de Europa Occidental, ni instalaciones, instalaciones militares con personal de rotatorio o temporal, lo que en esencia significaba una presencia permanente de Alemania, por ejemplo, en el Báltico. Todo eso debería ser disuelto, deberían ser enviados a casa.

25:40
Y también me imagino que los rusos insisten en que haya un acuerdo sobre los misiles de alcance intermedio. Se supone que Estados Unidos y Alemania los instalarán entre el 25 y el 26. Yo esperaría que los rusos exijan que eso sea suspendido y revocado. Y que, a cambio, suspenderán el estacionamiento de sus propios Oreshnik y otros Kinzhal y otros misiles de alcance intermedio que, de otro modo, se presentarían en posiciones avanzadas en Bielorrusia y en Kaliningrado, pero eso será revocado.

A diferencia de la década de 1980, cuando los misiles SS-20 soviéticos que se oponían a los misiles estadounidenses estacionados en Alemania, y que causó mucha angustia, mucho miedo en Europa Central, y todo lo cual terminó en el tratado sobre misiles de alcance medio que como resultado obligó a los soviéticos a destruir su gran stock de este tipo de misiles.

26:56
Hoy en día no se puede prever nada de esa naturaleza. Los rusos no van a destruir lo que acaban de construir. Lo han construido a un gran costo en esfuerzos de ingeniería, en esfuerzos industriales, y consideran que les da seguridad. Así que no los destruirán, sino que simplemente los retirarán, no los desplegarán de una forma muy amenazadora, en la que sólo haya un tiempo de aviso de cinco o siete minutos entre el lanzamiento de estos misiles, como Oreshnik, y que alcancen objetivos aquí en Bélgica.

27:33
Así que creo que estos diversos temas muy sustanciales y globales se están discutiendo ahora entre los Estados Unidos y Rusia y dan al Sr. Putin cierta comodidad y cierta flexibilidad en la forma en que se ocupa de la exigencia de un alto el fuego.

Alkhorshid: 27:53
Creo que a muchos de nosotros nos sorprende la actitud de Donald Trump, que no haya llamado a Vladimir Putin hasta ahora. No ha intentado hablar con él directamente y ¿quién o qué le impide hacerlo?

Doctorow:
Creo que cuanto más espere, más probable será que los rusos resuelvan el problema ucraniano sobre el terreno. Las fuerzas están, los ejércitos ucranianos se están desmoronando en el frente; no pueden mantener todos los puntos del frente. Los están haciendo retroceder. No tienen posiciones defensivas en las que replegarse, así que intentan protegerse a toda prisa del avance del ejército ruso. Y siguen retrocediendo, y retrocederán hasta el Dniéper. Creo que Trump razonablemente esperará a que los rusos llegaran al Dniéper antes de tener una gran discusión con Putin.

28:52
De qué van a hablar ahora? Los rusos están ganando, ¿y por qué iban a dejar de ganar? Pero no quieren apoderarse de Ucrania. Eso está absolutamente claro, lo estuvo desde el principio. Y por eso Trump puede estar razonablemente seguro de que lo que quede de Ucrania será de alguna manera viable y pueda ser objeto de un eventual tratado entre Rusia y el nuevo Estado ucraniano que Estados Unidos pueda suscribir, como uno de los muchos garantes.

Alkhorshid: 29:27
Gilbert, has mencionado el control de armamentos. ¿Crees que existe la posibilidad de que Estados Unidos, Rusia y China se reúnan y encuentren una nueva forma de poner fin a este creciente nivel de, no sé, bombas y todo y misiles y cómo pueden acordar? Sabemos que Donald Trump se retiró del Tratado INF[2] porque estaba, en esos días, estaba argumentando que China no es parte del trato. Por eso no es justo para nosotros. ¿Y ahora? ¿Van a ser capaces de hacerlo juntos?

Doctorow: 30:10
Creo que es tanto más necesario, tanto más oportuno. Y es más probable que China responda positivamente hoy que entonces. Los chinos están sometidos a una gran presión estadounidense, tanto comercial como militar. Aún no están preparados para enfrentarse a la marina estadounidense, aunque tengan más barcos. No tienen ninguna experiencia de combate con esos buques.

Su capacidad en una confrontación armada es absolutamente desconocida, mientras que las capacidades estadounidenses son más conocidas. Y han estado aumentando sus reservas de misiles de medio alcance con el propósito de mantener a raya a los estadounidenses. Así que sí, efectivamente, los rusos, creo, estarán de acuerdo en que no tiene sentido un nuevo acuerdo sobre estos misiles de alcance intermedio en el que no participen los chinos. Y creo que esta vez los chinos participarán. Así que tenemos aquí los ingredientes de una nueva [Conferencia] de Yalta.

Yalta fue entre los tres grandes. Eran Churchill, Roosevelt y Stalin. Y creo que la Yalta 2.0 de hoy será otra de tres grandes. Serán Xi, Trump y Putin. A Trump le gusta verse a sí mismo en esta perspectiva histórica como uno de los presidentes más consecuentes de la historia estadounidense. Y si procede en esta línea, estará justificado, porque su edad de oro de la paz está realmente al alcance de la mano.

32:02
Y está desmantelando afanosamente todas esas estructuras dentro del Gobierno estadounidense que han causado las guerras y que, de otra manera estarían ocupadas 24 horas al día, 7 días a la semana, tratando de destruirle.

Alkhorshid:
La cuestión de Europa es de alguna manera diferente, porque Donald Trump quiere que aumenten el presupuesto de defensa del 2 al 5 por ciento. Emmanuel Macron dijo que van a duplicar su presupuesto de defensa. Alemania dijo que no son capaces de hacerlo. ¿Cómo va a funcionar eso para los europeos? ¿Y, es posible? ¿Está Donald Trump dispuesto a negociar como hizo con Canadá, México, después de ponerles aranceles?

Doctorow: 32:56
Esto de hablar del 5% es, debería tomarse con el mismo nivel de seriedad que lo de la Torre Trump en Gaza. Esto no es serio. Los países europeos no pueden cumplir ese requisito sin que haya desórdenes sociales y disturbios en las calles. No hay espacio en los presupuestos para proporcionar este gasto militar adicional sin frenar los ya limitados sistemas de bienestar social que estaban en marcha. La estructura médica francesa se ha debilitado enormemente en los últimos años, antes del COVID, durante el COVID y después. No está el dinero. No está el personal.

Aquí en Bélgica, el gobierno del entrante o nuevo Primer Ministro, De Wever, es un gobierno thatcheriano que pretende recortar los beneficios, las prestaciones sociales, las prestaciones a la vivienda, subsidios por desempleo, recortar hasta los huesos, muy impopular. ¿Aumentará entonces este gobierno drásticamente los gastos militares de Bélgica? Si lo hace, no sobrevivirá ni un día. En Alemania, la misma historia.

34:18
Esto es… Trump ha elevado intencionadamente el listón para asegurarse de que todos fracasen y de que se peleen entre ellos por esto, con los maníacos… yo los llamo maníacos… en el Este, en el Báltico, en Polonia, luchando con uñas y dientes contra la gente de mente sobria que realmente son democráticos y tienen que enfrentarse a los electorados y saben que es un suicidio aumentar el presupuesto militar de esa manera.

Alkhorshid: 34:54
Creo que ahora mismo para Alemania, la pregunta sería, ¿les permitiría Donald Trump, de nuevo, tener algún tipo de relaciones económicas con Rusia? ¿O es que va a estar en el plan que Elon Musk esté apoyando AfD, pero AfD quiere volver a conectar el gasoducto entre Alemania y Rusia. Eso sería muy importante para la economía de Alemania. ¿Qué le parece?

Doctorow: 35:24
Es bastante improbable que la AfD controle la agenda política en Alemania después de las elecciones. No está claro si tendrán suficientes votos para frustrar los esfuerzos de los democristianos y del Sr. Merz a la cabeza para formar una coalición que tenga mayoría en el parlamento. Pero está por verse lo que realmente podrían hacer si son admitidos como miembros de una coalición de gobierno, porque su posición, como acabas de describir, es diametralmente opuesta a las posiciones viciosamente antirrusas de los democristianos, que son el partido con más votos entre los partidos centristas de Alemania.

36:15
Recordemos cuál es la cuna de Alternativa para Alemania. Es Alemania del Este, donde siempre, tras la reunificación de Alemania, y el fracaso y la llegada de los políticos de Alemania Occidental para aprovechar la situación[3] y aplastaron a todos los ejecutivos, a todos los altos funcionarios del gobierno de Alemania del Este, les quitaron sus medios de vida y los apropiaron para sí mismos – eso nunca será perdonado ni olvidado en Alemania del Este.

Y el milagro económico de Alemania del Oeste nunca se realizó plenamente en Alemania del Este. Se quedaron rezagados todo el tiempo después de la unificación. Los alemanes del oeste están resentidos por los impuestos adicionales que se les impusieron para sufragar el enorme gasto de dinero en Alemania del Este para elevar el nivel de las infraestructuras y demás.

37:16
Así que están descontentos por lo que ocurrió en la reunificación. Y los alemanes del Este dicen que este grupo de gángsters de Alemania del Oeste no ha hecho realidad las esperanzas que tenían cuando votaron por el marco alemán y por la reunificación. Por lo tanto, esa base, que tu siempre tendrás, la cuestión es cuánto pueden comerse del centro de la política alemana.

También está la otra cuestión, que yo planteo sólo como hipótesis, porque en la experiencia práctica, mi propia experiencia, la esperanza de que la izquierda y la derecha puedan combinarse en algunas cuestiones, y que nunca ha ocurrido en Europa, quiero decir. También está el 11 por ciento del electorado alemán que se presentará a favor de los candidatos de izquierda con su propio partido, Sahra Wagenknecht, que vino del partido de su marido, Oskar Lafontaine, vino de ”Die Linke”, el partido de izquierda. Ella está a favor de Rusia, de las relaciones con Rusia, buenas relaciones con Rusia.

38:28
Si pueden unir al menos ese tema y de alguna manera enfrentar las ambiciones de los centristas liderados por Merz, haciendo algún trato con el SPD, los socialistas de Scholz, tirándole algún hueso, a sus compañeros de partido, algunas carteras ministeriales. Es una cuestión abierta, pero yo diría que es dudoso que la voz de la razón y el establecimiento de relaciones normales con Rusia triunfen cuando se cuenten los votos y se forme gobierno. Pero no lo excluyo como posibilidad.

Alkhorshid: 39:16
Gilbert, sé que hablas, has mencionado la situación con Ucrania, pero ¿crees que las nuevas elecciones en Ucrania serían una condición previa para que Rusia vaya tras las negociaciones, o pueden ir tras las negociaciones y piensan en las elecciones del nuevo presidente de Ucrania y todos estos cambios políticos en Ucrania?

Doctorow:
Creo que la segunda versión que tu tenías, y hay una serie de razones para ello. Una, simplemente ¿por qué negarle a Trump su momento de gloria? ¿Por qué? No hay razón para privarle de ello imponiéndole condiciones rígidas. En primer lugar, los ucranianos se retiran realmente de todo el Donetsk. Esto es difícil. Hay una segunda razón.

Esto es, sí, si son listos, y creo que en el Kremlin no hay estúpidos, que si negocian ahora, con incluso diputados nombrados por Zelensky, y llegarán a un acuerdo similar al que fue rechazado en abril de 2022, con muchas de las condiciones, o por supuesto no con llas fronteras de entonces, esto se acaba. Lo que queda de Ucrania al firmarse en estos términos de desmilitarización y ausencia de cualquier asesor extranjero de equipo militar en su país y así sucesivamente.

40:51
Si proceden a preparar un documento asi para firmarlo, la existencia de ese documento y los términos de ese documento podrían tener una gran influencia en el resultado de las elecciones, en un sentido positivo, porque podría demostrar que hay un final para esta guerra, que no es la destrucción total de Ucrania, que la soberanía existirá dentro de fronteras más limitadas que están más cerca de tener cierta homogeneidad étnica o nacional y lingüística de lo que eran las fronteras antes de la guerra.

Así que creo que desde el punto de vista del Kremlin, hay buenas razones para hacer lo que parece un compromiso sobre las demandas de Trump, ayudando a Trump a quedar bien, al mismo tiempo que sirven a sus propios intereses.

Alkhorshid: 41:44
Muchas gracias, Gilbert, por estar hoy con nosotros. Un gran placer, como siempre.

Doctorow:
Bueno, ha sido un placer.

Alkhorshid: 41:53
Cuídate. Nos vemos pronto. Adiós.


[1]IOU = documento firmado que reconoce una deuda.

[2] INF = Tratado sobre Fuerzas Nucleares de Alcance Intermedio (Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty)

[3] Llegada interesada con el fin de aprovechar una situación = ”carpet bagging”.

Transcript of ‘Judging Freedom’ edition of 5 February

Transcript submitted by a reader

Napolitano: 0:33
Hi, everyone. Judge Andrew Napolitano here for “Judging Freedom”. Today is Wednesday, February 5th, 2025. Professor Gilbert Doctorow joins us now. Professor Doctorow, always a pleasure, my dear friend. Of course, I want to talk to you about the Kremlin and the latest in Ukraine and the special military operation between Russia and Ukraine. But first, if you don’t mind, What is your understanding of the Kremlin’s view of the conflagration, which from my perspective is genocide, in Gaza?

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD: 1:12
Well, that’s precisely their view of it. They don’t use other terms than what you just used. Mr. Putin himself has said publicly that he was heartbroken to see what is going on in Gaza. So that is, they are on the same page as you are.

Napolitano:
Does the Kremlin have an opinion on this? In other words, this could involve the Kremlin if the Israelis, backed by the Americans, decide to attack Iran. I mean, does the Kremlin foresee a role for itself in resolving all of this, or is it just going to sit back and watch?

Doctorow: 1:59
Well, they have to take their cues from Iran. When they signed this long-term comprehensive cooperation agreement with Iran just a few weeks ago, it was clear that Iran is satisfied that they are safe. They were not rushing into the arms of Moscow. They did not conclude a defense component or a mutual-defense component, and that is precisely because they anticipated that they will find some resolution to their conflict with Washington. I believe that such a view would have come about because of back channels from Washington, which suggested to them that this was feasible. So in that case, Moscow takes its cues from Tehran.

Napolitano: 2:56
One of President Trump’s golfing buddies is Senator Lindsey Graham, who has extremely harsh– in my view, over the top, almost maniacal– views of the relationship of the United States to Iran. Chris, I don’t have the number, but the Senator Graham clip that we have been playing of him from one of the Sunday talk shows. Professor Doctorow, I’d like your thoughts on this.

Graham:
So what this resolution does, it lays out the case against Iran’s nuclear ambition. Bibi and the Israelis are going to have to make a decision relatively soon what to do about the Iran nuclear program. This is not an authorization to use force. But I am here to tell you and the audience and the world that I think America should support an effort by Israel if they decide to decimate the Iranian nuclear program, because I think it’s a threat to mankind. Israel is strong, Iran is weak, Hezbollah-Hamas have been decimated. They’re not finished off, but they’ve been weakened, and there’s an opportunity to hit the Iran nuclear program in a fashion I haven’t seen in decades.

Napolitano:
–think this is crazy. What do you think?

Doctorow:
I think he’s caught on a time warp. What he’s saying is totally outdated and totally bypassed by events. I think, as I said, that Mr. Trump’s team have given signals to Tehran that they are ready to talk at a– of course, not immediately, but in the near future, when things calm down a bit. I think that Mr Netanyahu was bought off yesterday by these promises of America taking control of Gaza and turning it into a luxury resort. This is absolutely unfulfillable.

4:53
I think most everybody, even Netanyahu understands that, but it gave him something to walk away with, to speak about his great friends in America, when he has most likely given up plans to continue the military operations in Gaza and has most likely given up his greatest ambition, which was what you said at the outset, to decimate the nuclear installations of Iran.

Napoltano:
But for Senator Graham to say that Israel is strong, Iran is weak, I mean, this is simply not true in February 2025.

Doctorow:
What has that man been saying that is true for several years? He is a one-man propaganda organization, and he does that in Kiev when he visits them. He says what he wants to say, even if it has no bearing on the real situation. So this is in line with his overall behavior.

Napolitano: 6:04
I’m going to play a clip of President Trump yesterday saying that the United States will own the Gaza Strip. Take a look at Prime Minister Netanyahu’s body language. I don’t even know if he knew ahead of time what President Trump was going to say. Chris, number four.

Trump:
The US will take over the Gaza Strip, and we will do a job with it, too. We’ll own it and be responsible for dismantling all of the dangerous unexploded bombs and other weapons on the site. Level the site and get rid of the destroyed buildings. Level it out. Create an economic development that will supply unlimited numbers of jobs and housing for the people of the area.

Reporter:
You’re talking tonight about the United States taking over a sovereign territory. What authority would allow you to do that? Are you talking about a permanent occupation there? Redevelopment?

Trump:
I do see a long-term ownership position, and I see it bringing great stability to that part of the Middle East and maybe the entire Middle East. And everybody I’ve spoken to– this was not a decision made lightly– everybody I’ve spoken to loves the idea of the United States owning that piece of land, developing and creating thousands of jobs with something that will be magnificent.

7:26
And I don’t want to be cute. I don’t want to be a wise guy. But the Riviera of the Middle East. This could be something that could be so– this could be so magnificent. If we can get a beautiful area to resettle people permanently in nice homes and where they can be happy and not be shot, not be killed, not be knifed to death like what’s happening in Gaza. Why would they want to return? The place has been hell.

Napolitano: 7:52
What do you think?

Doctorow:
This is really Donald Trump doing what he does best in his own mind. It is complete dissimulation. It is speaking to Netanyahu. As you suggested, Netanyahu, by the body language, was hearing this for the first time while he was at the microphone.

And he was first amused, then he got quite interested in what Trump was saying, because he hadn’t heard it before. And this proves to me that Trump has no intention of following through on it. He knows it’s impossible, but it is the way, it is the off-ramp for Netanyahu. Netanyahu can go home claiming a big victory. It puts an end, or should put an end, to his plans to continue bombing Gaza, because the whole thing becomes American property.

8:47
And so if this trick works, then you can say that Trump, by his own very peculiar methods, has put a stop to the genocide. We’ll see. Nothing is clear. And it’s precisely this opacity, precisely this confusion that Trump is using as his negotiating tool.

Napolitano:
I wonder if Netanyahu’s government will survive, because of course we know, and I’m going to get to Russia in just a moment, Professor, I appreciate your indulgence.

We know that the extremists in his coalition want the ceasefire to end or be violated, depending upon how you want to look at it, and more slaughter and genocide to resume. But as you say, I don’t know who could do that now in light of this seemingly off the wall and probably legally impossible suggestion that Trump has just made.

Doctorow:
Trump is stupid like a fox.

Napolitano:
Yeah, yeah, nicely put. All right, do we know if the President Biden pipeline of US military equipment and ammunition to Kiev is still flowing, Professor Doctorow?

Doctorow: 9:47
No, I have no information about that. The Russians aren’t talking about it, other than the fact that we knew last week that 90 slightly used and shop-worn Patriot missiles were sent, were delivered to Ukraine, or Poland on their way to Ukraine. So in that sense, part of the pipeline was open, we can assume, but other parts also were open.

But everything is finite. The Russians are day by day destroying anything that comes in. So even if the pipeline is open and even if a few billion dollars worth of munitions and other types of armament are delivered, it will not keep the Ukrainian army going very long. And that is all the more true. They don’t have men to deploy, to use this equipment. They’re short of spend.

Napolitano:
If Donald Trump is continuing the Joe Biden pipeline, even if they’ve closed the spigot just a little bit, what does this tell President Putin? That the new administration is willing to kill Russian troops, just like previous administration.

Doctorow: 11:17
Well, the Russians are ready for everything. As I’ve mentioned before, their basic disposition is to view the United States government, foreign policy as determined by the deep state. In this regard, I think they’re looking elsewhere.

I’m sure that they are looking at the attempts by Trump and by Musk to dismantle the deep state. Certainly the attack on USAID is what that is all about. So their attention, as I said, would be on the deep state, and they have to be taking close watch over what Trump is doing in this precise area. We think of a deep state, oh, typically, the sense of a deep state is continuity in government. However, from time to time, there are disruptions.

12:14
In 2003, 2004, there was a massive disruption of the deep state by Dick Cheney, who chased out whole areas of conpetence, whole swaths of the deep state, to install people who were going to practice his type of neoconservative policies. That changed the deep state dramatically. Not that there weren’t neocon people there before, but now they became the only people. So it is today.

Napolitano:
The American media [are] reporting this morning that the Trump administration has offered buyouts to every– and this is hard to believe, and of course the number is secret– but to every single employee of the Central Intelligence Agency.

Now, if they all took the buyout, put aside the cost, that would decimate the American intelligence community until those human beings could be replaced by people of equal experience. I’m not a fan of the CIA, but there is a service that they perform when they engage in legitimate gathering of data from other countries.

Docrorow: 13:23
I think on an interim basis, the government could simply enlarge the outsourcing that it otherwise does, and which probably accounts for more than 50% of the open-source intelligence that is gathered by the US government. So it’s not as though they have no means of making up for the loss of personnel, The question in everything that Trump is doing, and I’m calling it a disruptive action, his wrecking ball, is to remove those institutions, those, I should say, agencies, and those personnel who have brought us forever wars.

Napolitano:
Right.

Doctorow: 14:09
We were celebrating when, this goes back four years ago, we celebrated when Nuland saw the handwriting on the wall and resigned. But that was one person, that was Nuland, maybe a few people around her. The vast majority of staff in the State Department– sorry to say this; I think they’ll be next for the sledgehammer– in the State Department, in the intelligence agencies, these are people whose time to shine came under Dick Cheney when he empowered, when he brought in people like that who shared his philosophy, political philosophy.

Napolitano: 14:50
Well, look, Donald Trump is truly against forever wars, and I hope he is. You know, he doesn’t always say what he means. He doesn’t always mean what he says. It’s about time that he rid the government of the culture that supports the forever wars. And in your view, and I agree with it, and it’s well documented, this culture has existed and metastasized since 2001 when Cheney did, then Vice President Cheney did what you said he did.

Was there another suicide, bombing, execution, killing in Russia of a significant member of President Putin’s administration in the past 48 hours? A man by the name of Sarkissian?

Doctorow:
In his administration, I’m not sure what he was doing, what his job title was recently, but he was a very active participant in the resistance in Donbas. And when going back to the very start of the rebellion of these regions against the coup d’etat government that the US had installed in February 2014 in Kiev. So he’s been around for a long time. He was very active in leading position, militarily and politically in the Donbass.

Napolitano: 16:19
There he is. Now, was he murdered in or around his own apartment in Moscow?

Doctorow:
That’s what it appears to be. And he, unlike the case of the General, Kerilov, who was murdered several months ago, and who was seen to be living in an unprotected apartment building, which facilitated the actions of his murderers, this particular gentleman was in a gated community, so to speak. It’s what looked like a secure building. So it took a lot of intelligence work to find a way to overcome the defenses that were protecting him.

Napolitano: 16:59
Wow. General Kellogg, who is President Trump’s emissary, go-to person, whatever you want to call it– this is not a job recognized by the federal government, this doesn’t involve confirmation by the Senate– for matters Ukrainian and Russian has suggested an immediate ceasefire and two elections in 2025, one for the presidency of Ukraine and one for a new parliament. How does the Kremlin react to that?

I mean, the Kremlin agrees that president, well, that Vladimir Zelensky has no legal authority whatsoever under Ukrainian law or international law. But how do they view what General Kellogg has suggested? Why would he make a suggestion publicly without knowing ahead of time how the Kremlin will view it?

Doctorow: 17:56
I think that it all depends on what else is going on. That is to say, what other feelers are being put out to the Russians. If this is all that Trump has to offer, then the answer is a big nyet.

President Putin has made it clear there can be no ceasefire unless the preconditions that he set back in June of last year are met. The first of those preconditions is the withdrawal of Ukrainian forces from the boundaries of the pre-war Donbas oblasts. As I’ve said, about 95% of pre-war oblasts of Lugansk is in Russian hands, but only about 65% of the oblast of Donetsk is in their hands. So the Ukrainians would have to pull back. That I don’t think would change.

18:55
However, let me just say that what else could be going on is a hint that bigger issues will be discussed when Trump and Putin meet. That could give the Russians something to think about and maybe be a bit more flexible on the timing and conditions of a ceasefire. So I wouldn’t want to be dogmatic about it, but I don’t think they will be dogmatic about it, if other things are going on that interest them more.

Napolitano: 19:24
Here’s Dmitry Peskov, the Kremlin’s chief spokesperson, addressing the issue of the legitimacy or illegitimacy of President Zelensky. Cut umber one.

Peskov: [English subtitles and voice over]
De jure, President Zelensky’s powers have ended. President Putin has already spoken about this in sufficient detail numerous times. No one can dispute this because it is absolutely the obvious legal reality that exists in Ukraine. And therefore, of course, The very idea of holding elections in Ukraine from the point of view of legitimizing the leadership. I want to remind you of Putin’s very recent statement that this legitimization is necessary for the legal recording of any agreements in terms of conflict resolution.

Napolitano: 20:19
You can’t really dispute that.

Doctorow:
No, you can’t. And that is why Kellogg has introduced this whole new subject of forming a legitimate government in Ukraine. But the timing, of course, is essential. The Russians will not wait months and months for a new Ukrainian government to be shaped, because they’re perfectly aware that the West would use this time to rearm and to reman the Ukrainian army, which is totally unacceptable to them, when they are on a roll as they are right now, and when the Ukrainian army’s front lines are crumbling.

Napolitano: 20:57
Do we know, Professor Doctorow, if NATO and others are arming the Ukrainians as we speak?

Doctorow:
We assume they are, because yesterday the Russians reported a very big drone attack, which destroyed, they say, 1,000 mercenaries. Well, foreign advisors, a vast number of people that were reported to have been killed by the Russians. So, presumably, there’s still more around, yes.

Napolitano:
Well, thank you very much for your time today. Fascinating, thank you for letting me take you into the Middle East as well. Your thoughts are very illuminating. Of course, we enjoy your time and it’s a privilege for me and I hope you’ll join us again next week.

Doctorow:
Well, thank you so much.

Napolitano:
Sure. Coming up later today at 1 o’clock this afternoon, Matt Ho; at 2 o’clock, Max Blumenthal; at 3 o’clock, Phil Giraldi; at 4 o’clock, Scott Ritter.

22:05
Judge Napolitano for “Judging Freedom”.

Transcript of ‘Coffee and a Mike’

Transcripr submitted by a reader

Mike Ferris: 0:46
Gilbert, you are a man that is constantly working. I either watch you on YouTube or you’re constantly writing. It never stops for you.

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD:
No, frankly, this fourth career was just sputtering along. It was kind of a semi-retirement. And then along came the Special Military Operation. And people with a background and expertise like mine suddenly became looked for. We were supposed to come forward with sage analysis and so forth. How sage my analysis is, I’m not going to beat the drum about that, because all of us have been put, back footed, by the changes over the last three years. Many of us, myself included, have been saying at times that the end of the war is three weeks from now.

1:42
We’ve been saying that for three years. And I make no apologies for it. I’m about to publish, I think in three months time, a collection, it will be about 600 pages, of my essays from 2022 and 2023. And I read back what I wrote back then, I was a little bit embarrassed by some of these essays, because nobody likes to be proven so wrong. But we all were proven wrong, because they were things that none of us anticipated.

And particularly I was disadvantaged because my job was to convey what the Russians are saying among themselves. And they were generally confused. The Russians, I mean the chattering classes, the well-educated people, people who are members of the Duma or very respected professors at major universities and take part regularly in the several talk shows that are quite outstanding in quality.

2:53
And they were confused. Mr. Putin played his cards very close to the chest. Even the day before the invasion, It was not clear that there would be an invasion. And it’s not because we thought he would do nothing, no. But he had many other options. And we didn’t know that he would go this way. So, as I say, looking back over several years, we have been, we who’ve been consulted to give our wise advice, have been caught by the unexpected turns in the war.

3:32
And so that is my background, but it has not caused me any pain in the sense that I still get requests for a commentary, because, as I said, I’m delivering something that virtually no one else has been delivering, what the Russians are saying among themselves, and to themselves. People watched when it was still accessible on RT, and they thought they were learning something about Russia. I don’t mean to disparage completely RT, but it was largely scripted by retired journalists from the States, from Canada, and other places, for an American audience primarily, and less so a global audience. And it was not what Russians are saying to themselves, which is a completely different issue.

4:29
If you have an opponent, you should understand his mentality and what he is talking about, not what his foreign hires are talking about. Well, that’s a long introduction and a long-winded answer to your question, but I wanted to say that I am on the air a lot, yes. And as somebody who for eight years was working for a telecoms company in the 1980s, I still am flabbergasted at the reach of alternative media like yourself, how many people tune in from around the world. Of course, though, it usually, as I find in my own, what I publish, it usually is an Anglophone world, because people can be educated and know several languages. But when they’re reading something that requires a lot of brain power, they prefer to do it in their own language.

5:25
And so that’s the way it goes. And I have more readers in New Zealand than I ever would have imagined. And it’s precisely because they’re English speakers. Nonetheless, we are, we specialists in Russia are still in demand. I would like to be not in demand. And so I’m very hopeful that Mr. Trump succeeds in what we can talk about with you in a minute or two.

Mike: 5:52
Yeah, you know, I want to get to that here in a second, but I do want to ask you, in terms of where is Putin at now with Russia-Ukraine in terms of that conflict? I mean, is he interested in that being resolved at this point with Trump being back in office?

Doctorow:
Of course he’s interested in being resolved. And of course he would be quite pleased if sanctions were lifted and if Russia could resume something like normal diplomatic, commercial, travel relations with Europe, because the real cutoff in travel and exchanges is with Europe, with the immediate neighbors. And I’m sure he’s willing to make some concessions for that. But there are basic points which they will be– cannot yield on, because he has so emphatically stated Russia’s basic requirements for security, and these have been repeated, amplified day after day on state television, that is practically speaking impossible for him to sacrifice any of those issues that had been identified as non-negotiable. And the non-negotiable issue above all is no NATO in Ukraine.

7:22
And let’s be more clear about it: no foreign military presence of any kind in Ukraine, because de facto, before February 2022, Ukraine was a NATO country. They had all of the NATO trainers and NATO tacticians, strategists, a lot of NATO advanced equipment. They were a NATO country in everything but name, in everything but the absence of an Article 5 requirement that it be backed up by the other NATO members. And that is utterly unacceptable to the Russians.

8:03
So the idea of, “Oh, we’ll have some peacekeepers there” that is being talked about by Mr. Macron and others in Europe, they’re out of their good minds. That is utterly unacceptable. So the question of demilitarization of Ukraine is not discussable. It will have a military force of some kind, but nothing that could ever threaten Russia, and no foreign advisors present at all. That is the most essential.

The actual borderlines– of course the Russians would like to have the boundaries of the four oblasts or regions that they have incorporated into the Russian Federation following a referendum in those regions– they would like to have the full extent of those oblasts at their disposal. At present, maybe 95 percent of Lugansk region is possessed by the Russians. In the case of Donetsk, it’s maybe 65 percent. Donetsk was a really tough point. The Ukrainians had dug in and put in heavily fortified positions 10, 15 kilometers from the capital of Donetsk region.

9:31
And for eight years, they were firing artillery and short-range missiles, these rapid-fire missiles, into the neighboring residential areas. That is what precipitated the special military operation. And because they were so dug in, and because the Russians left the fighting in these oblasts, first and foremost to the local militia relevant to its own army, that came in later, it took a long time for there to be significant progress in moving the line of separation of the fighting forces to the west, beyond artillery range, as it is now. Nonetheless, it is not beyond missile range, particularly this Torshka missile from the Soviet period that the Ukraine still have in some quantity, and which struck Donetsk city a couple of days ago.

10:36
So this question of deep militarization is the fundamental driving point. The boundaries can be negotiated. The regime in Kiev– it is perfectly clear that Mr. Putin will not sign a peace treaty or an armistice with Mr. Zelensky, whom the Russians say, with good reason, is illegitimate and his signature is worthless.

That is another way of saying they want Zelensky eliminated, replaced, and even in the very slow-moving positions of General Kellogg, he has in the last couple of days put on the agenda elections to be held at parliamentary and presidential levels in Ukraine. So it has gotten through to the Americans, to Mr. Trump’s immediate advisors and designated emissary to Ukraine and Russia, that there have to be elections and that a valid peace can only be signed by properly elected Ukrainian officials.

These are the contours, the inescapable contours of a Russian-Ukrainian settlement. However, I would like to make the point that I have been making with greatest insistence, and it’s because it is also something that my peers don’t talk about much.

12:17
The whole war in Ukraine started because the United States and NATO rejected the calls for revision of the European security architecture, a rollback of NATO to remove all of the personnel that are temporarily assigned, primarily assigned, in the countries that were added to NATO after 1997. That’s to say all of the Warsaw Pact countries and the several republics, former republics of the USSR, meaning the Baltic states. They don’t say that they can no longer be NATO members. They say that these personnel and equipment, the forward-stationing of equipment, which threatens them, has to be rolled back.

That is what Yevkoff, the deputy to Lavrov, was saying in December 2021, and that has not gone away. So the Russians in looking forward to a meeting with Donald Trump, expect they will talk not so much about Ukraine, because by the time they meet, Ukraine will be still more battered. The lines will be crumbling still more. And so what is there to discuss about Ukraine? They want to talk about a big settlement, but with the United States, not Europe. Europe doesn’t count for anything. With the United States, a wealthy security architecture in Europe will be.

Mike: 13:52
Well, and perfect segue then to go over to President Trump because, you know, in the few short weeks he’s been in office, I mean, what I’m seeing, it is incredible. I don’t know how the guy has the energy to do do what he’s doing. But you wrote, you know your recent Substack article which just came out earlier today titled “The Big Picture – Trump’s ideological program that unifies all his domestic and foreign initiatives”. And, you know, what you discussed in it, I have not seen anywhere else. So walk me through what this article was about and how you came to these conclusions.

Doctorow: 14:34
Well, I was very critical of Trump in just a day or two after he took the Oval Office, because he was making some rather stupid statements about Russia and Ukraine. He was taking the numbers, casualties, and killed-in-action from the propaganda that Ukraine puts out, which is as it has been for the last three years, is almost always inversion. That is, 10 Ukrainians are killed for one Russian, and the next day you see in Western media 10 Russians are being killed for one Ukrainian.

Aside from the question of who will be saying the truth, it doesn’t take too much intelligence to appreciate that when you have a seven to 10 time advantage in the artillery shells that you’re using daily against the enemy, then you’re going to be killing seven to ten times more of them than they are killing you. It’s an obvious thing.

15:43
So there’s no reason to be surprised that the numbers are what they are. And some of my military expert peers have been saying in the last week, and I accept their judgment, since I don’t pretend to be a military expert, that maybe 90,000 Russian army, infantry and other servicemen have been killed in the war to date. Maybe 150,000 Russians in total have died since the start of the war as taking in these militiamen from the oblasts who did a lot of the fighting and are still fighting. These people have been fighting for 10 years, from 2014. It’s quite incredible. You look at somebody’s 35, in [2015], he was starting to fight, and he has never left the front. Well, anyway, of course, they took heavy casualties. All together, it’s 150[000]. And it is a safe guess that the Ukrainians have lost 10 times, well, 1 million men.

16:56
And that the wounded and seriously incapacitated are three times that number. And that the Russians probably have 300,000 casualties taken and dead and wounded. These numbers, of course, are terrible. This is the biggest war in Europe since 1945.

Now coming back to why did I decide that Trump should not, deserves more attention than what I devoted in the first two days when he took office. It’s because he immediately sent out an amazing sequence of executive orders and other initiatives which have left Europe and the world media, in constant commentary, day by day and hour by hour.

And so I decided to look at what these are, and to consider what’s being said about them and what’s wrong with what’s being said about them, and what’s right about what’s being said about them. My point is that everyone thinks that Mr. Trump is shallow, narcissistic, mentally deranged, if you want to be extreme about this. He’s not an intellectual. He never would have thought that. It would almost be an insult in his presence to call him an intellectual. He’s not a man whom we do think of having a comprehensive plan or comprehensive agenda to implement. You would think that he strikes out in this direction and that direction to seek revenge or for reasons that are not easy to justify. This is what his critics and detractors would imagine. And it’s even what some people who are hopeful about Trump would think about.

19:04
But you can come to a lot of negatives if you take each of his major initiatives of the last two weeks separately and take them at face value. He wants to keep, he wants to impose tariffs. That’s been the big talking point the last two days. And people will tell you, good economists will tell you that the American public will pay for that. They will tell you that the cost of goods will go up, and it means that the cost of borrowing cannot go down, the Fed cannot reduce, business will suffer from this, and that in the end it will not bring manufacturing back to the United States.

19:52
All of these arguments are made, and I take nothing away from them. But they’re irrelevant. They’re missing the fact that the tariffs are part of an overarching view of what he wants to accomplish. And what he wants to accomplish is to use a wrecking ball on the liberal world order that America has assembled for the last 30 years, and that has given us a warfare state, of never-ending wars, and enormous ballooning budgetary deficits, which are unsustainable.

20:29
So, on the ideological side of it, it takes in everything. All of the remarks about transgenders and LGBT, you take them separately and you say the man is a bigot. He doesn’t, he– but you’re missing the point. The point is that the promotion of these gender minorities and other minorities at the expense of merit for the sake of an ideological vision of human rights, that has been built primarily by progressive Democrats during their time in office, and it was never deconstructed by Republicans when they came into office. This is one Republican who’s using a wrecking ball on them. And it’s not because by itself LGBT is such an issue or free abortion, unlimited abortion rights.

21:27
But these are issues that are manifestations of the overarching liberal democratic ideology that every Democratic administration has promoted and taken further and further to the point of insanity. It has complete impractical, unworkable government, and outcomes no longer count. It’s the process that you take pride in, not what comes out at the end of the process, which is usually right now quite abominable.

22:08
Trump understood that, or people around him understood it. I don’t look to Trump to have originated the comprehensive view that liberal democracy is a disaster. That is something that more clever people around him could absorb from reading some very good literature that would hardly be on the desk of Donald Trump. So I have mentioned in this article that you’re referring to the works of a French political philosopher, the man in France who has the largest private library, 200,000 volumes in his home. I don’t know where he finds room for his bed. But this, Alain de Benoist, he wrote a book, this was about five, six years ago, a collection of essays. So it’s not something that you want to take up for bedtime reading.

23:14
The consistency of your, some of it’s strictly for the highest level of political thinkers, some of it’s for the general public. And those for the general public in this book, they tell you what Donald Trump’s agenda is: to destroy what is being described by Alain de Benoit in his book. It is against liberalism. The– society is not a market. Society is not a collection of disaggregated egos, individuals.

Society is a collective existence, and man has a collective existence. And the denial of collective humanity is at the root of liberalism. Whether you attach democracy to the term “liberal democracy”, we’re talking, it comes to the same thing. Liberalism with a capital L. This is about taking to the max the rights of the individual.

24:25
Sounds good, but taken to the max it comes out frightening. It is the denial of common interests. It is the melting away of the middle class. It is the melting away of the nation-state and its replacement either by super national organizations like the European Union, which is totally bureaucratic and not answerable to any public, ruled by a virtual dictator called Ursula von der Leyen. Well, these are the necessary outcomes of liberal democracy, which is anything but democracy.

25:12
And Mr. Trump instinctively understood that, not good. And in his own way, he has brought around to people whom some say, “Ah, xxxxxxxxx”. They all have something in common. One is they’re highly intelligent. Two, they are highly loyal to him, which was not the case of anyone he surrounded himself with in his first administration.

And they are all capable of being wrecking balls. Even Rubio becomes a wrecking ball when he is taking control of USAID. That organization, which was singled out by Musk for destruction, sounds great. How could you against USAID? I mean, the word has “aid” in it, it’s pretty obvious. Unfortunately it is not US foreign assistance.

26:07
It is something very specific and nefarious. It is the agency that the CIA uses to promote its regime change in country X, Y, or Z. And the proof that Musk had hit pay dirt, we saw a day after we cut off the funding for USAID, and all of the journalists and all of the publications, media in Ukraine were “Woe is me, woe is me”, they were moaning and groaning, saying we have no money. Well, indeed, they have no money, because all of their funds came from the United States government, from the US taxpayer, to publish material that then would be retranslated into English and sold to the American public by our media as being the voice of Ukraine.

27:00
It never was the voice of Ukraine. It was a manufactured voice paid for and curated by the US government, that’s to say the CIA, acting through USAID. So Mr. Musk, he knew what he was doing. He’s now acting as the cannonball of Donald Trump.

Mike: 27:27
What were your thoughts when you saw his role, in regards to Elon Musk, his role increasing and his visibility also increasing as President Trump got reelected, and then that time in between, and now that he’s back in office? What were your thoughts initially? And I think I know where your thoughts are now, but–

Doctorow:
Well, it’s been a hollow balloon about how Mr. Trump has surrounded himself with oligarchs. And indeed it was quite exceptional that at his– it’s been called a coronation– or inauguration, he had the leading personalities. The wealthiest men in the country from Silicon Valley, were given seats in the rotunda ahead of foreign dignitaries like the deputy premier of China or senators. It’s unseemly. It’s a bit boorish. I mean, Mr. Trump never was a gentle soul.

28:33
But who has been running the show in the States for the last several generations? Poor boys? No. The– money speaks, and money has put everyone into office. How good that money was is another story. And there’s nothing new in this. There’s absolutely nothing new in wealth being the preferred influencer on politics. You take it back to the 18th century and the founding fathers. They weren’t poor boys either. The assumption was as the voting rights were extended downwards from the few white guys at the top to more white folks, males first and then finally females, and then to people of color and the rest of them. These were requirements, they were first and foremost wealth requirements.

29:35
And the logic was simple. If you give all the poor folks the vote, they’re going to strip the wealthy people of their property. You don’t want that to happen, because then after a short-term feast the country will go broke. The wealthy people got there, many of them, by talent. And you want to channel that talent, and you want to have a system of governance that ensures that they do no harm.

But to keep them out of politics, I say, it would be a mistake if I take the reasoning of the founders of the American republic. In the 18th century, there’s a lot of stuff, but wealthy people are the ones who should be the leading figures, governing figures. Whether they’re noble or not noble is a separate question. So the fact that Mr. Trump has the wealthiest man in the world at his side, he has him there partly because he made big contributions to his reelection, that’s clear, but also because of his admiration and respect for what this man has done, for how he gathered his wealth without murdering people, without doing anything really unseemly.

30:58
Of course there must have been, and certainly there were abuses, and he faced court proceedings over his position in the companies that he founded as a result of these abuses. But the man is immensely talented, and if he indeed is the one, as I suspect, who has the ideological vision that Trump has agreed to, then I say it’s wonderful. Now, I don’t have … an automatic respect for Musk as a political thinker. The only time I really heard him talk was in the interview that he gave, well, the interview that he took and then eventually gave to a vital head, the candidate for chancellor of the Alternative for Germany.

31:59
It wasn’t very impressive. He didn’t, he was not the wizard that I hoped he would be. But there are reasons for that. He had to really play softball, because their interview was being followed intensely by the EU institutions, who were hoping that he would say something that they could use to slap down X, to say that it is in violation of EU rules on fake news and disinformation and so forth. Therefore, he was speaking in terms that nobody could take exception to.

32:40
And his interviewee, Weidel, just was showing how a nice bunny rabbit she is. A gal next door working for you, working for the interests of the public and so forth, and none of the sharp edges to her thinking that found expression outside this widely watched interview with Musk. Still I think the man, I expect that the man has, is conceptual and is capable of seeing what I describe in this essay. That it all fits together. Even if any one of the many different initiatives that Trump has produced looks like a losing cause, because you’re not going to bring manufacturing back by the tariffs, because you’re not going to lower criminality in the States by deporting 11 million people. These things taken separately can look foolish and unproductive. But I say that’s a big mistake. They have to be taken all together. And the price to pay, cost, may be well worth it when you look at the total picture.

Mike: 34:07
It’s– you know, reading your article and talking to you now, it sounds to me that you are you’re optimistic of all this.

Doctorow:
If he succeeds, and that is a very big if, if he is consistent and doesn’t go off on a tangent on some of these things, then yes, he may, improbable as it sounds, he may usher in a “golden age”. It is not unthinkable, although you mentioned to me before went on air his latest remarks and latest decrees, which suggest a really toughening position on Iran, which is well timed since he’s receiving Netanyahu in his office.

Mike:
I think that’s today. I think Netanyahu is there today.

Doctorow:
Yes, exactly. So it would be interesting to time it that way, so that he could put Netanyahu at ease while softening him up for concessions that have to be made for phase two of the ceasefire to be realized. There’s a lot of showbiz in the behavior of Trump.

There’s a lot of bluff and a lot of bullying, the stage effects. But if we can look beyond that, then I would take none of these negatives to be definitive, but only to be introductory, softening-up positions with his interlocutors. And I expect he will conclude a peace agreement with Iran, regardless of what he was saying or doing today.

Mike: 36:00
How would Israel accept that?

Doctorow:
I don’t think they’ll care. The question is, this takes us back to the fundamental issue of the head and the tail, whether Israel is wagging the United States or the United States is wagging Israel. And I’ve consistently said, and I’m happy to say that I’m not alone in this view, there are people who have credentials that are vastly richer than mine, like Colonel Larry Wilkerson, who are saying exactly the same, that Israel has done what the United States didn’t want to do itself, and was very happy to let Israel do. And so it is with, well, what does Israel think about the deal that we want? I don’t think that Trump gives a damn. He does not want to enter into war with Iran.

36:53
And he wants to present himself as a peacemaker and candidate. He’s very vain. Surely, if Obama could walk away with a peace prize, having done nothing more than present himself as not being George Bush Jr., then surely Trump thinks that he can do something that will genuinely merit that designation, that award.

Mike: 37:23
What do you see as the biggest pitfalls, then, for achieving his four-year vision and beyond?

Doctorow:
Well, there are many things that can go wrong. He’s trying very hard to keep the Uniparty in Congress off balance. He says a lot of things that they like to hear, at the same time he’s doing things which they don’t like at all. I don’t think there was any euphoria in Congress over his plan to cut US troops in Europe by 20,000, I doubt it. But it gets lost in all the things that he’s doing and saying that they love. So he’s keeping them off balance, keeping them at a distance.

38:03
Will he succeed in this? Will somebody rise up against him who sees through these tricks and says, “This man is trying to destroy what we’ve achieved in the last 30 years, if not in the last 80 years”? I don’t know. Will he be, will he survive? Will he get away with purging the CIA, FBI, and so forth?

I think so, particularly if he keeps himself well apart from JD Vance, because JD Vance is his life insurance policy. Nobody in his right mind would take out Trump when you’re what you’re going to get is double Trump. You’re going to get a still more aggressive fighter for Trumpism in his vice president. Therefore, I think that he will live out his term. And I think that he has effectively surrounded himself with people who will do his bidding, which was absolutely not the case in his first term in office.

Mike: 39:16
So you see him and Putin working out some kind of ceasefire?

Doctorow:
Yes, but on the understanding that a ceasefire is only step one. The Russians do not want a ceasefire. And why would they? They have the winning hand. They’re rolling back the Ukrainian forces day after day. You look at the maps, you see they’re moving, day by day. So the Russians are on a roll. They are going to draw this out, draw and postpone their talks with Trump or any meetings as far as they can to at least reach the Dnieper River. I think that’s likely.

39:56
However, as I said at the start, their interest is in the big picture, in taking in the United States into an agreement on security in Europe. And what do we have? What are the ingredients? Well, dismantling NATO is ultimately an objective that the Russians don’t even dream, don’t even dare to dream. That’s going to happen.

But as a starter, they’d like to ensure that the United States reverses its decision to put intermediate-range missiles into Germany and elsewhere in Europe, so they do not have to proceed with their deployment of their Oreshnik and Kinzhal and other intermediate-range missiles against Germany and Central Europe. They would prefer to see that done. They would like to de facto see a return to the non-deployment, not ban, they’re not going to reach a ban on intermediate-range missiles.

41:00
They’ve invested so much money and brainpower into developing the Oreshnik precisely because the United States pulled out of the Intermediate-Range Agreement and precisely because of the experience in the 1980s, the end of the 80s, when the agreement, the treaty on banning intermediate-range missiles caused them to destroy a large stock of missiles that were manufactured, ready to go, whereas the United States, these are land-based missiles, had almost nothing that had to be destroyed. So it was such an unbalanced, unilateral disarmament, they will not under any conditions assume that today.

41:45
But non-deployment would be a good start, and that could be part of the comprehensive revision, review of security in your provisions banning, holding war games near the respective borders. There are a lot of things that can be reinstated. The most important thing in these agreements on disarmament or on setting caps on missile systems was the provisions for inspection, which meant that there were constant regular exchange visits of Russian and American personnel. And there was constant communication. All that has been cut, slashed, doesn’t exist, and the nonexistence of these lines of communication are what has made it so extremely dangerous in the last period of Biden’s stay in office, where misunderstandings, where misreadings of what the other side was actually doing could have led us without intent into a nuclear exchange.

Mike: 43:03
Well, it gave me a lot to think about today. And I’ll tell you, I’ve been very skeptical, even leading into the election, I was wrong what I thought the outcome would be, and then the transition, and the couple of weeks that President Trump has been in. But you’ve definitely given me a new perspective on how to look at these things.

Doctorow:
You will agree that his agenda is disruption. And there’s a lot to disrupt. There’s a lot of horrible structures that have been built generation after generation, over the last 30 years, which have provided for this warfare state, for this never ending war. And that Mr. Trump is taking a wrecking ball to this, it’s all to the good. It’s not that he wants a disarmed America. On the contrary, his term that he’s used particularly in his first electoral campaign was, yes, MAGA, Make America Great, was also American First, which drew up a lot of intellectual criticism of Trump. It sounds like the 1920s.

44:22
Well, they were right. Only the 1920s looked pretty good compared to what we’ve got around us today. The point is that American political establishment has been denouncing anyone who opposed the many military interventions over the last 30 years as being an isolationist, which is about the worst thing you could say about anybody. Mr. Trump is celebrating a policy that is purely isolationist.

And well, that’s something we can examine when he rolls it out further. But he doesn’t want a weak America, no. He wants a strong America within its own borders. And that would not be that.

Mike: 45:08
Last question. How does Turkey play into all this in regards to the Middle East?

Doctorow:
Well, I am confused like many people as to what the end game for Erdogan is in his Syria gambit. We know that he wants to use his position in what is a power vacuum to exert as much pressure on the Syrian Kurds as possible. He would like to get rid of the Americans. who have been supporting Syrian Kurds, because of the implications of their existence for the Kurdish population in eastern, southeastern Turkey, which has been one of the most difficult issues in his whole time in power.

46:00
As to what does he want with Israel, it’s unforeseeable. He speaks out of both sides of his mouth. Is he going to find himself in a war with Israel? Or is he really just using the strains in the relationship to get further commercial advantage by supplying oil to Israel, as he’s been doing all along? Much of it’s stolen Syrian oil. It’s very hard to read, and I’m not a Middle-East specialist, so what I just said is as much as I know.

Mike:
Where can people find you?

Doctorow:
Well, as you just indicated, I have a Substack blog, platform I like to call it, and where I publish, as you just said, almost every day now. There’s a lot of news coming by, and I try to catch it. And a lot of people are trying to catch me, and I have the good fortune that somebody who wants to remain anonymous does a transcript of each of these interviews that I’ve been giving. And so people who don’t have the time or the interest to watch videos, they can actually read what was said.

47:13
And it’s on my Substack[.]com, which has a catchy [name], I thought it was catchy, it was a little bit frightening actually, the “Armageddon Newsletter”.

Mike:
I see it come through my email. At first glance, right when I first subscribed, I’d see it and I’m like “Armageddon Newsletter”! Now it doesn’t catch me so much off guard.

Doctorow:
No, well, there’s very little Armageddon inside that newsletter, but it was to capture the spirit of the moment when I set it up, when things really looked quite alarming in international relations. The coming to power of Donald Trump, I think, should give everyone reason to sleep more calmly. They may have their own positions, whether they like his position on abortion, whatever else. There’s so many things you can object to, but I think we all would like to survive, and fundamentally that is what his presidency is giving us: a reason to hope that the United States will step back from its never-ending wars.

Mike: 48:18
Gilbert, thank you so much for doing this, and this is a conversation I think a lot of people need to hear. And I for one, am glad that I was able to to hear it, so I appreciate it. I appreciate everything you’re doing, and I look forward to more conversations ahead in ’25.

Doctorow:
Well thanks so much for the invitation, and this was enjoyable.

Mike: 48:39
Mic drop.

‘Dialogue Works’ edition of 6 February: Trump’s Plan for Ukraine

I greatly appreciate host Nima Alkhorshid’s allowing me to take a step back from the headlined issue of what plan General Kellogg will be presenting to the Munich Security Conference which opens at the end of next week.  The step back was for me to explain how all of the disparate initiatives in both foreign and domestic policy rolled out by Donald Trump during the two weeks he has occupied the Oval Office share the common objective of dismantling the Warfare State, the Progressive Gender Policy State and the other abominations that politicians of one camp or another have inflicted on the USA and on the world these past 30 years. Trump’s integrated and comprehensive agenda is directed against the Liberal World Order and its mad emphasis on Ego, Ego, Ego at the expense of society, as if man were not a social animal.

I have touched on the subject here in writing and in my latest videos but each additional time on air gives me the opportunity to add to the picture so that it becomes intelligible to most anyone with an open mind.

For reasons beyond my comprehension, the way that Trump’s announcement yesterday of his plan for a US takeover of Gaza to turn it into a new Mediterranean Riviera was actually a ruse to ensnare Yetanyahu and put an end to the genocide is missed by all of my peers, but not by those who take the time to watch this video.  Look over the Comments posted to see my point.

Of course, we also did discuss the Kellogg plan. I insisted that it is only a small part of what is now going on between Moscow and Washington. That was clear from the remarks of Vladimir Putin’s spokesman Dmitry Peskov yesterday when he confirmed to reporters that there are many strands of conversation underway with the Trump administration.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2025

Russia’s NTV commercial television broadcaster on the 1945 Yalta Conference

From time to time, I get an email from producers at NTV, a leading commercial television channel in Russia, asking that I receive their cameraman at my home in Brussels to record an interview that will be incorporated in a special feature segment of the weekly news round-up called just that, Итоги недели.

I received such a request in the middle of last week when they wanted me to respond to eight questions on the Yalta Conference of 1945 in keeping with its 80th anniversary that was about to be commemorated officially in Russia.  Their subcontracted cameraman and his journalist wife duly came to my apartment and spent half an hour recording my answers.  They had made a great effort to reach me, driving down to Brussels by car from their base in Hannover, Germany. They promised that after the program was aired, last Sunday, it would be posted on the internet and I would get the link.

The link arrived today and I repost it here: https://rutube.ru/video/f747448a4cecffaf0d43ea27622a33af/

The segment dealing with Yalta begins at the 1:06:07 mark.

This show is in Russian, but there are, after all, Russian speakers among you who will appreciate what is being said about Yalta.  For others, this will be an introduction to Russian domestic commercial television, about which you probably have no idea and it may be of interest if only to see their technical level, which is fast paced.

A word about NTV is in order.

This broadcaster was founded in 1993 by the Russian oligarch Vladimir Gusinsky who also at the time owned the country’s largest retail bank in the country, MOST, whose innovation was demonstrated by its opening the first ATM in Russia in 1994. His media holdings were his main interest from the beginning and by the middle of the 1990s he was called the ‘Rupert Murdoch of Russia.’  These assets were deployed in 1996 to help ensure the re-election of Boris Yeltsin as president and Gusinsky was one of the close collaborators of fellow oligarch Boris Berezovsky in this operation. His media assets included a daily newspaper (Segodnya), a news weekly (Itogi) and the Echo of Moscow radio station. 

In 1998, Gusinsky’s media companies paid for the launch of the first satellite that provided Direct to Home (DTH) transmission of his NTV-Plus television programming to subscribers across Russia.

However, from 1998 onwards Gusinsky’s relations with the Kremlin were soured by his anti-government positions with respect to Chechnya. When Vladimir Putin came to power in 2000, his relations reached a critical point. He was arrested and charged with a variety of crimes. He was compelled to sell his interest in NTV and other Most holdings.  In effect, NTV was taken over by a subsidiary of Gazprom, under whose ownership it remains today, but was allowed considerable independence for long periods of time.

Gusinsky left Russia after disposing of his interest in NTV, but was pursued by Russian justice in his Spanish residence and in other countries as they sought his extradition.  Most importantly he remained active in creating Russian language media production and broadcasting companies, selling some of his output to Russia. He is presently resident in Israel, where he exerts a considerable influence on the Russian Jewish émigré community.

A word about my experience with NTV:

In 2016, when I was invited to talk about Trump before and after his election on the talk shows of all major Russian domestic broadcasters, I also had my day on the air in NTV’s political talk show Место встречи (The Meeting Place). This program still is running and can be viewed on http://www.rutube.ru

For the 2016 show I joined their other panelists at their studios in their long time home just next to the television tower at Ostankino.  Walking their corridors, I noticed that they still had photos of Gusinsky on their walls, as in the good old days.  Indeed, there can be many surprises in Russia when you dig deep.

I mentioned above the radio station Echo of Moscow, which also was taken over by the Gazprom subsidiary that owned NTV.  Notwithstanding their being owned by one of the main economic props of the Kremlin, Echo of Moscow was allowed to continue its essentially subversive anti-Putin programming until after the start of the Special Military Operation, when it was shut down as an unregistered ‘foreign agent.’  Their popularity over the years among taxi drivers and manual workers on the one hand and Oppositional intelligentsia on the other hand was perfectly evident to anyone caring to look. It was said that the existence of such broadcasters was permitted as a pressure valve on society.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2025

Postscript:  State broadcaster Rossiya 1 is planning to air a special program on the 1945 Yalta Conference this weekend. I am sure it will be a lot longer than 5 minutes and I expect to view it and present a critical review here.

Translation below into Spanish (Chod Zom)

La televisión comercial rusa NTV sobre la Conferencia de Yalta de 1945

De vez en cuando, recibo un correo electrónico de los productores de NTV, uno de los principales canales de televisión comerciales de Rusia, en el que me piden que reciba a su camarógrafo en mi casa de Bruselas para grabar una entrevista que se incorporará a un segmento especial del resumen semanal de noticias llamado precisamente así, Итоги недели.

A mediados de la semana pasada recibí una petición de este tipo, ya que querían que respondiera a ocho preguntas sobre la Conferencia de Yalta de 1945, con motivo del 80 aniversario de su celebración, que estaba a punto de conmemorarse oficialmente en Rusia. Su camarógrafo, subcontratado, y su esposa, periodista, acudieron a mi apartamento y pasaron media hora grabando mis respuestas. Habían hecho un gran esfuerzo para llegar hasta mí, conduciendo hasta Bruselas en coche desde su base en Hannover, Alemania. Me prometieron que después de la emisión del programa, el domingo pasado, lo colgarían en internet y yo recibiría el enlace.

El enlace ha llegado hoy y lo reproduzco a continuación: https://rutube.ru/video/f747448a4cecffaf0d43ea27622a33af/

El segmento dedicado a Yalta comienza en el minuto 1:06:07.

Este programa está en ruso, pero, después de todo, hay rusoparlantes entre ustedes que apreciarán lo que se dice sobre Yalta.  Para otros, será una introducción a la televisión comercial nacional rusa, de la que probablemente no tengan ni idea y que puede ser de interés aunque sólo sea para ver su nivel técnico, que es trepidante.

Corresponde decir unas palabras sobre la NTV

Esta radiodifusora fue fundada en 1993 por el oligarca ruso Vladimir Gusinsky, que por entonces también poseía el mayor banco minorista del país, MOST, cuya innovación quedó demostrada con la apertura del primer cajero automático de Rusia en 1994. Sus participaciones en medios de comunicación fueron su principal interés desde el principio y, a mediados de los 90, se le llamaba el «Rupert Murdoch de Rusia». Estos activos se utilizaron en 1996 para ayudar a asegurar la reelección de Boris Yeltsin como presidente y Gusinsky fue uno de los estrechos colaboradores del también oligarca Boris Berezovsky en esta operación. Entre sus activos mediáticos se encontraban un diario (Segodnya), un semanario de noticias (Itogi) y la emisora de radio Eco de Moscú.

En 1998, las empresas de medios de comunicación de Gusinsky pagaron el lanzamiento del primer satélite que ofrecía transmisión directa al hogar (DTH) de su programación televisiva NTV-Plus a abonados de toda Rusia.

Sin embargo, a partir de 1998, las relaciones de Gusinsky con el Kremlin se agriaron por sus posiciones antigubernamentales respecto a Chechenia. Cuando Vladimir Putin llegó al poder en 2000, sus relaciones alcanzaron un punto crítico. Fue detenido y acusado de diversos delitos. Se vio obligado a vender su participación en NTV y otros activos de Most.  De hecho, NTV pasó a manos de una filial de Gazprom, bajo cuya propiedad sigue hoy en día, aunque se le permitió una considerable independencia durante largos periodos de tiempo.

Gusinsky abandonó Rusia tras deshacerse de su participación en NTV, pero fue perseguido por la justicia rusa en su residencia española y en otros países mientras buscaban su extradición. Lo más importante es que siguió activo en la creación de empresas de producción y difusión de medios de comunicación en lengua rusa, vendiendo parte de su producción a Rusia. Actualmente reside en Israel, donde ejerce una considerable influencia en la comunidad de emigrantes judíos rusos.

Unas palabras sobre mi experiencia con NTV:

En 2016, cuando me invitaron a hablar sobre Trump antes y después de su elección en las tertulias de las principales cadenas nacionales rusas, también tuve mi día al aire en el programa de tertulia política de NTV Место встречи (El lugar del encuentro). Este programa se sigue emitiendo y puede verse en

 http://www.rutube.ru

Para el programa de 2016, me reuní con los demás panelistas en sus estudios, en el que fue su hogar por mucho tiempo, justo al lado de la torre de televisión de Ostankino. Caminando por sus pasillos, me di cuenta de que todavía tenían fotos de Gusinsky en sus paredes, como en los buenos viejos tiempos. De hecho, en Rusia puede haber muchas sorpresas cuando se indaga a fondo.

Antes mencioné la emisora de radio Eco de Moscú, que también pasó a manos de la filial de Gazprom propietaria de NTV. A pesar de ser propiedad de uno de los principales puntales económicos del Kremlin, a Eco de Moscú se le permitió continuar con su programación esencialmente subversiva anti-Putin hasta después del inicio de la Operación Militar Especial, cuando fue cerrada como «agente extranjero» no registrado. Su popularidad a lo largo de los años entre los taxistas y los trabajadores manuales, por un lado, y la intelectualidad opositora por el otro, era perfectamente evidente para cualquiera que se preocupara de mirar. Se decía que se permitía la existencia de tales emisoras como un válvula de presión en la sociedad.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2025

Posdata:  La cadena estatal Rossiya 1 tiene previsto emitir este fin de semana un programa especial sobre la Conferencia de Yalta de 1945. Estoy seguro de que durará mucho más de 5 minutos y espero verlo y presentar aquí una reseña crítica.