The James Freeman Report, TNT Radio:  will the U.K. be erased from the map by a Russian nuclear attack? If so, why?

The question above was the main point I wished to address in this radio chat with the former Member of Parliament, James Freeman, who is a well-known radio host in the TNT family, based in England.

Sadly for James, I never did answer his questions about how the US built stealth missiles JASSM might change the balance in the war in Ukraine. Nor did we discuss Kursk.  But we did talk about the different methodologies being applied by the commentators whom you will find featured on youtube day after day.  For this reason, I urge you to have a listen.   I come on at minute 39.

Gerard Waters & Gilbert Doctorow on The Freeman Report with James Freeman – 27 August 2024

Transcript below provided by a reader, followed by translation into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Transcription below by a reader

James Freeman: 38:57
Right, now we’ve been talking about many things over the past few weeks, in the UK for example, those troubles, and kind of taken my eye off, really off the ball a little bit in terms of what’s going on in Ukraine. So to rectify that issue, I’m actually delighted today to be welcomed once again by Dr Gilbert Doctorow. Welcome back to the Freeman Report, Gilbert.

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD:
Good to be with you.

Freeman: 39:22
Now Gilbert, we’re going to talk about a recent Substack you wrote about America’s air-to-ground stealth missiles, that it’s going to be, well, I think there’s rumours that it’s going to supply them for use on F-16s in Ukraine, and also Russian plans to use tactical nukes. We are going to talk about that. But first, I think it’s [pertinent] to, if you can give us an update on what’s been going on over the past few weeks in Ukraine.

Doctorow:
Well, I’d like to say at the outset, what I based my update on, because you speak to, in the opposition, I can call it a dissident media, dissident in the sense that they do not agree with the Washington narrative. There is a consensus, a consensus of where we stand on Kursk and how the war is going, which is based on the sources they are using. And many of these sources are back channels. They are acquaintances, friends, contacts of some outstanding analysts in Russia, or close to Russia. Let us be honest, the overwhelming proportion of commentators on Russian events are not Russia specialists. I don’t mean to say that I’m the only Russian specialist, but I’m one of the few Russian specialists who has the freedom to open his mouth. That’s to say, many of my peers, people who are trained to– who either were originally Russians, and so teaching in the West, and so the question of the language skills is, is clear, they’re perfect, they’re perfect speakers, and they understand everything that’s being said. Then you have a lot of Westerners, who, for one reason or other, took an interest in Russia and Eastern Europe, and became fluent or skilled in the languages.

41:20
These people are academics, they’re nearly all academics. They don’t dare open their mouths or they’ll be fired. Let’s be open about it. It’s not that they’re stupid. It’s not that they necessarily disagree with anything that I’m saying. It’s they’re just they’re not in a position to say it themselves. There is a witch hunt on anyone who says anything contrary to “the war is going great, and Russia will be smashed”. So that’s the opening point. So where are these people who really are not gifted in language, but are a very good analytical skills? Where are they getting their information from? Where is it that everyone else who’s appearing on the internet, and whom you see in today’s YouTube? Where are they getting it from? Where’s McGregor getting it from? Where’s Scott Ritter getting it from? Where’s Larry Johnson getting it from? They’re all getting it from friends, contacts in the backstage in Russia, people whom they’ve met when they’ve traveled there. Ritter was several times in Russia, most recently, I think, was in the early start of this year, when he went down to Chechnya and embraced Kadyrov and met with one of his commanders, this Aldonov.

42:33
Now, these people are very proud that they have these contacts and these sources information that you, Mr. Freeman, do not have. However, they are in no position to really judge what they’re getting. And between you and me, why would Mr. Aladounov give to Mr. Scott Ritter some militarily valuable information? He’s a patriot. He’s a professional soldier. You don’t do that. I’ve heard him on television. I’ve heard him on Russian television. And he always was very, very careful in choosing his words, and frankly, never gave the audience anything of real use. So why would he give Scott Ritter something of use? Sorry, it doesn’t stand to reason. So I’m not criticizing Mr. Ritter. I’m just looking at the facts as they are. Why he says one thing, and I’m saying something different, because I’m not using those sources. I haven’t met with Aldo. I haven’t met with…

43:25
But what am I using? I’m using open sources. Let me surprise your audience. Russia is a free society. They have less censorship than we have in France. Ask Mr. Macron. We have less censorship than they have in Germany. Russia is comparatively speaking an open press. And in the open press, a lot of smart people and also some stupid people say what they think. Well, I use that and it’s my job to sort out who are the smart people and who are the stupid people. That’s on my conscience. But I’m using, for example, when you look at my blogs or articles and look at what I’m saying to other major interviewers, I’m relying on what I find in the most authoritative Russian talk shows and panels and on the more serious literature that is periodical. So that’s where I’m coming from. And some things that I’m seeing now leave me strange to say, sad to say, with a much less optimistic and rosy view of how the Russian conflict in Kursk, for example, is going than what you’ll hear if you pick up any of these people I mentioned on today’s YouTube.

Freeman: 44:39
Okay, so tell us then, what is your assessment of the situation right now?

Doctorow:
Well, I would be dishonest if I said it’s my assessment. I’m giving you an assessment of people whom I take very seriously and who are occupying a special space in Russian media. If you turn on Russian news, you won’t learn much. You’ll learn about how they’re helping the [200,000] people who’ve been evacuated. But they won’t tell you what’s going on the battlefield. I heard last night something about what’s going on the battlefield with someone who is very well prepared by his career as a military officer and a high government official. And what he’s saying is that things are bad. Things are… This is not walking through the rose garden and they are prepared for an American preemptive strike.

Let me give you one or two dots. You know, there are two American aircraft carrier task forces in the Mediterranean. Russians are saying, “Hey, they’re not there for Iran. They’re there for us.” Let me give you another dot to link. You know that two or three months ago, there’s a lot of talk about how the Ukrainians had with drones destroyed two important early warning radar systems in the south of Russia. And nobody could make any sense of it. Hey, why are the Ukrainians doing this? It doesn’t have any relevance to Russian strikes on Ukraine. You bet it doesn’t. But it has a lot of relevance to prevent potential US first strike, nuclear strike against Russia.

46:11
Okay. That’s where we are today. and the Russians are preparing for it. You in Britain should pay special attention. Because aside from Washington, they are talking openly on the television about wiping Great Britain off the face of the map. You are among the most active people against them right now. You are spearheading the action in court. It’s your job–

Freeman:
Sorry, Gilbert, sorry.

Doctorow:
Yeah, right. So I stop there, but I made my point, that the situation is much more serious than one would believe if you just tune into YouTube and see what Mr. McGregor is telling you.

Freeman: 46:51
Yeah, now one of my questions actually was going to be on these attacks on supply chain bridges in Russia, because I hear the Russian officials have directly linked the UK with those attacks. Can you just give us an update on what those attacks were and the implications for the conflict?

Doctorow:
Britain is implicated by the Russians and by itself, by your own Prime Minister, when he boasted that Challenger 2 tanks are now rolling in Russian territory. That is the first thing they have against Britain. The Storm Shadow missiles are number two. That is what Zelensky has been asking for them. We can assume that they’ve already been shipped to Moldova, to Romania, ready to be moved in to Ukraine, or just mounted on F-16s that fly from Moldova into Ukrainian airspace and pretend that they are Ukrainian planes. The Storm Shadow is a vicious weapon, a very dangerous weapon. The Russians have mastered it a bit, but you never can bring down 100% of what’s coming at you. And it has a long range, potentially long range, depending on the variants sent to Ukraine.

48:06
However, again, let me put this in context. You see why the situation is quite alarming. The Storm Shadow will not reach the Russian airplanes. This is what Mr. Zelensky says. “Oh, I need them to attack the air bases from which the Russians are flying to me.” Wrong. The Russians are not dumb. They have moved all of their longer-range bombers way back beyond any potential range of F-16 launched Storm Shadows. What would the Storm Shadows do? They could devastate Russian factories. They could create havoc in civil society and cause strife within Russia. They could do that. Mr. Putin will not let that happen. He will sooner attack Britain with tactical nuclear weapons, than he will let that happen. And Mr. Starmer should take notice. Britain doesn’t want to listen to these things, but they better.

Freeman: 49:05
Yeah, no, this is very, very alarming, what you’re saying here, Gilbert. Now, tell us about your– because you did write a Substack, which is kind of related to what you’re saying here. And basically it seems that America, aren’t they, they’re, well, will you tell me in your own words about these, these air-to-ground stealth missiles that America could be supplying Ukraine.

Doctorow:
Well, there are several different long-range, high-precision weapons. Storm Shadow is one of them. Then there’s JASSM. JASSM is the one that’s being talked about most right now. The Russians say it’s probably shipped to Moldova, just awaiting to be mounted on F-16s and used against them. As I’ve said, that has a 900 kilometre maximum range. That’s pretty good. That could reach Moscow, but it cannot take out the Russian planes because they, as I said, not stupid, they move them beyond the range of the JASSM. The Russians have made it clear that if this missile was mounted on F-16s, watch out, we’re next just next to World War III because we will attack you. “You” meaning NATO and meaning the continental United States. And these are not phony red lines.

Freeman: 50:23
And do you think, I mean, how concrete is it that America is going to supply these air-to-ground missiles?

Doctorow:
You have to ask Jake Sullivan and Tony Blinken. Behind the puppet Mr. Biden and the empty vessel Kamala Harris, there are a few people who are really pulling the strings, and Mr. Jake Sullivan is one of them. Who he has as his allies in the Pentagon, I don’t know, but he obviously does have them. Otherwise, these weapons wouldn’t be shipped, because they do indicate a vector towards World War III. Timing: it’s going to happen before November 4th. The people who are now in power xxxxx cannot risk losing the election. They cannot even– because then they become lame ducks, and making a war in Russia is not feasible as a lame duck. It is feasible until November 4th. Therefore, the problems that I’ve sketched out are immediately before us.

Freeman: 51:31
And how is that election, that US election, perceived, you think, in Russia? Is there hope, for example, that if Trump gets in, actually this all could be resolved, or is there a more cynical view of America and, you know, it’s all very well, changing administration, but essentially, America is– this is the long-term strategy for America. How is it? How is it perceived in Russia?

Doctorow: 51:56
Well, I may surprise you. One of the most authoritative talk shows, Vyacheslav Nikonov is a member of the Duma, a very serious politician, a Kremlin insider, the grandson of Molotov, one of the Bolshevik founders. He said, “hey, we won’t come out of it, because if she follows the policies which she set out in her acceptance speech, the United States is doomed. The United States will be economically destroyed by its own measures. And so, as strange as it may sound to you, the Kremlin is now repeating what its position was in 2020. Sorry, in 2016. They didn’t want Trump to win, because he was a loose cannon on the deck. He was unpredictable. He was a volatile personality, and they didn’t know what to expect. With Biden, up to now in the election, until he was replaced, they knew very well [what] to expect [of] him. With Kamala, since she’s as manipulated by the handlers as Biden was. they know what to expect, and they can prepare for it as they’re now doing.

Freeman: 53:15
Right. Okay. So you’re saying now they still, again, they don’t want Trump? Because I mean, Trump is talking about peace, isn’t he?

Doctorow:
Well, he’s talking about peace. The situation is changing, and don’t believe anything that the Russians are saying and whom they place their bets on. They could be saying this just to achieve the opposite result, because they were nailed in 2020 with the Russia, Russia, Russia, that all of the accusations against Russia as being behind and manipulated. So, for just for tactical reasons, they could be saying and having a joke among themselves that they back Kamala.

But as regards Mr. Trump, I personally think this is a very different Trump, and not because of the assassination attempt, but because having been around Washington long enough, he’s putting together a formidable team. And that’s what was lacking completely in his first presidency. Yesterday, we heard Tulsi Gabbard give her backing to Trump. And these are leading Democrats after Robert F. Kennedy Jr. He never could assemble such heavyweights, serious politicians who could be good in the cabinet when he first ran for president.

Freeman: 54:37
Yeah, I did see I’ve seen all of those speeches in recent days, some quite astonishing speeches, actually. And so yeah, I think it’s going to be a very, very interesting to see the impact on the US elections of the these moves. Gilbert, sadly, we have run out of time. We mustn’t leave such a big gap for you coming on next time. We need to get you back on because I think, you know, this this whole situation is in flux at the moment. But thank you so much for joining me, Dr. Gilbert Doctorow, and thank you for joining me today.

55:10
Right that’s it for me. I’ll be back tomorrow. See you all again then, right here on TNT.

Der James Freeman Report, TNT Radio: Wird das Vereinigte Königreich durch einen russischen Atomangriff von der Landkarte getilgt? Und wenn ja, warum?

Die obige Frage war der Hauptpunkt, den ich in diesem Radio-Chat mit dem ehemaligen Parlamentsabgeordneten James Freeman, einem bekannten Radiomoderator der TNT-Familie mit Sitz in England, ansprechen wollte.

Zum Leidwesen von James habe ich seine Frage, wie die von den USA gebauten Tarnkappenraketen JASSM das Gleichgewicht im Krieg in der Ukraine verändern könnten, nicht beantwortet. Wir haben auch nicht über Kursk gesprochen. Aber wir haben über die unterschiedlichen Methoden der Kommentatoren gesprochen, die Sie Tag für Tag auf Youtube finden. Deshalb empfehle ich Ihnen dringend, sich das anzuhören. Ich beginne bei Minute 39.

‘Dialogue Works’ edition of 28 August 2024: Kursk and U.S. preparations for a first, decapitating nuclear strike against Russia

In today’s 40-minute chat with host Nima Alkhorshid, we reviewed many of the issues I raised in my latest analytical article entitled “For Russia, recovering Kursk is no walk in the rose garden.”

I was particularly appreciative of the possibility to explain the methodological errors I perceive in most of my peers in the “dissident movement” opposing the Washington narrative who are most visible on youtube these days. I said this not for purposes of self-promotion, but to restore reason and balance to what has become a highly emotional interpretation of what is going on in the Russia-Ukraine war.

At issue is the use by my peers of backroom channels in Russia from retired or active military officers, from political scientists to produce here in the West what looks like impressive “scoops” but may in fact be something quite different: by this I mean that colleagues are likely being played by their Russian contacts to disseminate misleading or inaccurate information which makes the Russian military operations look like the proverbial walk in the rose garden, which makes the Ukrainians look like a depleted, rag tag force.  No, as one highly authoritative Russian military expert who is a member of the upper house of the bicameral Russian legislature explained on a Russian talk show two days ago, there is fierce fighting going on in Kursk, not just some ‘bombs away’ from Russian jets dropping glider bombs. “Fierce fighting” means there are heavy casualties on both sides, and the effort to expel the Ukrainians from Kursk will take some time.

All of the challenges for the Russians in Kursk are due to the role the United States has and is playing there. The USA is supplying real-time satellite reconnaissance and command and control assistance to the Ukrainians. Moreover, all of the equipment the Ukrainians are using was delivered by the USA precisely with this mission in mind. And the same Russian panelist on The Great Game says this preparation by the United States means that Russia’s enemy on the ground in Kursk is in better fighting form than the Russians.

And then there is the possible, maybe likely connection between the US-planned and driven invasion of Kursk and the positioning of two US aircraft carriers in the Eastern Mediterranean, where they can as easily launch a first nuclear strike against Russia as be used to intervene in an Israeli-Iran war, which is all we hear about in major Western media.

Nonetheless, the single biggest issue in this interview is where are the Russian experts in the West, who know the language and culture as well as I do?  We do not hear from them. The work of commenting on the war has been left to folks who are highly skilled geopolitical and military experts but who lack the in-depth area knowledge and the language skills essential if they were to test what information they are being given by their sources before passing it along to their viewers and readers.  

Yes, such Russian experts do exist. I am not alone in a vacuum.  There are several hundred if not thousands of them in the United States. Nearly all are serving as professors or instructors in universities, where they will be fired at once if they open their mouths and say what I say in public At my age that is not a problem, since I no longer have to work for a living. Others of them have jobs in think tanks, like RAND, where the very notion of resistance to the Washington narrative is heresy.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

Transcript of the interview followed by a translation into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Transcript below by a reader

Nima R. Alkhorshid: 00:05
So nice to have you back, Gilbert, and let’s get started with your latest piece on Substack. You’re talking about, the title is “For Russia, Recovering Kursk is No Walk in the Rose Garden”. And what are you trying to picture for us from what’s going on in the Kursk region?

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD:
Well, the title I gave to the article and the content of the article are counterintuitive for people who have been following the alternative media in particular, because everyone, almost everyone of my peers is saying the same thing. And I understand them, because we do– the little that we see of reporting on Russian state news, shows the destruction of tank after tank, of armored carrier after armored carrier. It shows the Russian drones, the killer drones, Lancet. It shows the other weapons aboard the helicopters that are flown in, and they are destroying the Ukrainian forces.

1:18
We get the figures of those killed — last I heard was something like 6,600 Ukrainians have been killed or maimed so they’re no longer battle worthy, out of what was estimated to be 12,000 war fighters who went to Kursk in the beginning. These figures are very impressive, and it would make you tend to believe that the Russians have the upper hand in Kursk and that things are going great. And the Mr– we all were figuring out, and myself included, I don’t say I’m exceptional here.

We had been left in a fog of war at the start. What exactly was the mission of Ukraine in entering Kursk? We heard many different explanations. They all had some sort of rationale to them: that they were going to give the Russians a feel of what it’s like to be hit in a wartime, because the Russians were sitting too comfortably, that they’re going to take a piece of territory which they can then use to trade for some of Russia’s gains in the Donbas, and to force the Russians to enter into negotiations over a truce and possibly over a peace on more favorable terms for Ukraine.

02:32
These were talked about. Nobody talked about, but briefly, like for five minutes at the start, that the Ukrainians might just be going after the atomic power plant at Kursk. We’ll come back to that. The last thing that we all heard is that it was pretty much what I just said. Mr. Zelensky wanted to impose peace talks on the Russians in terms that would be more favorable to Ukraine. Well, I won’t go into the other speculations. There were many speculations. Well, maybe the Russians saw this coming and they let it happen so that blah, blah, blah, they could trap the Ukrainians.

3:17
But let’s not get into these games, because we have a lot of clever people who are trying to find explanations and attract audiences. The idea that the Russians might be having a really tough time here is absent from discussion, other than on the pages of the “New York Times” or the “Financial Times” or CNN and so forth, who of course are singing the praises of this brilliant, unexpected and glorious invasion of Russia by Ukrainians, who are showing that they really are a fighting force despite everything that’s been reported about their bad position in Donbass.

3:55
So, as I said, looking at the facts that have been in public media, I can understand where some of my– or many of my colleagues are in the optimistic expectation that it’ll all be over. In an interview that I had a week ago, I was asked, “Well, do you think it’ll all be wrapped up when we meet again, meaning tomorrow?” And I looked a bit perplexed, because the expectation was such a glorious Russian victory that the bits and pieces, shreds left of Ukrainian forces would all be mopped up by tomorrow. That clearly is not the case.

04:34
So, what is going on. and why have we particularly, my colleagues, been misled as I believe? I think the reason is some facts about what we’re basing ourselves on, and what we, the commentators that are in the public eye today, know about Russia in general, before we were given the microphone. And I’ll come straight to the point. And I don’t want this to be self-promoting in a way that would offend people. I am a Russia specialist. I have published my memoirs under the title Russianist, going back to my earliest experiences as a student of Russian in 1965, my first visit to Russia. And I’ve been doing this for some time. My colleagues are, many of them are very skilled analysts, analysts of warfare, analysts of geopolitics. They have served in intelligence agencies. And I understand that they bring a lot of competence to the task at hand.

05:42
But I repeat, they are not Russia specialists. And they use, largely, a material of which they’re very proud. And I understand their pride. They’re using sources which I am not using. They’re using back channels to Russian military men, political scientists, whom they have met on trips to Russia, and who they believe are feeding them scoops, really important information that they’re bringing to the attention of their listeners and readers as they publish their commentaries.

06:22
Here’s where I would draw a big distinction. I’m not using those, and I believe they are suspect, for reasons that my colleagues should devote a bit more attention to. When you say that you have heard from the commander Alla Udinov, this is a Chechen leader who was heading troops of the Akhmat division, it’s a fighting division of Chechnya, in the successful capture of Bakhmut and who is presently leading the Chechen unit that is fighting in Kursk to liberate Kursk. He’s an important, authoritative person, and I understand that those who have made his acquaintance among my peers are proud of that fact and take seriously what he’s telling them and want to deliver a scoop to their followers.

07:14
My question is the following. I’ve also heard Mr. Alla Udinov, not in private. I’ve heard him on television. During the whole operations to liberate Bakhmut, he was every day on the news and talk show program “60 Minutes”, which is moderated by a very serious guy, who’s a protege of the head of Russian state television news, Yevgeny Popov. and his wife Olga Skabeyeva. They interviewed Alla Udinov, and he was given prime time to say a few words about the day’s progress. I can tell you right now, that Mr … whatever his officer’s title is, Alla Udinov, has a good command of Russian and was very cagey. He never said on air anything that could be of much use to anybody, except the fact to show his face and his confidence that things were going well.

08:16
And I ask in all seriousness why my peers think that they will get from Mr. Alaudinov, behind closed doors, information that this professional soldier and real patriot of Russia is not likely to give to anyone, least of all to a foreigner, however sympathetic to the Russian cause they are. So why my friends aren’t doing this simple addition and subtraction, while they aren’t doing this triangulation, if I can go to a little bit higher math, to understand whom they’re talking to — I don’t understand that. So, the news that these back sources are giving is optimistic, just like the pictures that we get on Russian state television news of destruction of Ukrainian hardware or NATO advanced hardware is optimistic.

09:08
What you will not find on Russian state news regular programs is anything that can give you an idea of the state of play on the ground. Nothing. And if they have a map, and they show “We’re fighting around this, and we’re fighting around that, and we have 60% of this”, frankly speaking, unless you’re a military expert and have been in this game for a long time, you won’t have a clue of what they’re telling you. So the information is really pro forma. It isn’t substantive content that anyone could use to make an independent judgment on the state of this war.

09:43
Now, a very big exception to all of this, either emptiness on the Russian side or tendency to look optimistic was on another Russian program, which I follow very closely. This is “The Great Game”, which has two personalities of outstanding importance. One, Americans would know very well if they’re in politics, and that is Dmitry Symes, because Symes was an assistant to Richard Nixon. He was the heir to Nixon’s political legacy, and set up, originally in Nixon’s name, a research institute, a think tank in Washington, which eventually was renamed the National Interest. And he headed that until February 2022, when he understood that his position had become untenable, that he was too Russia friendly, and he picked up stakes and went back to Russia 50 years after having emigrated to the States as a kind of dissident.

10:46
Well, Dmitry Symes is a co-host of “The Great Game” and Vyacheslav Nikonov– who is a Duma member and a very moderate, very soft-spoken, very intelligent, well-informed Kremlin insider because he is the grandson of Molotov, one of the original Bolsheviks– Mr. Nikonov is also a host. There’s a third member who is of considerable importance. But my point that I want to make is that Mr. Klintsevich was invited to speak there and he was let– and they allowed him to speak rather extensively. This is possible only if they understood perfectly well what he was going to say and if what he said and was going to say had credibility and probably, as I insist, backing from the Kremlin, if not from Mr. Putin himself.

11:45
And what he said was, “Look guys this is a tough, tough battle that we’re engaged in, in Kursk, we are up against the best that NATO has to offer. They are lending to the Ukrainians their real-time command and control support, their real-time satellite reconnaissance. They are guiding every step on the ground, and they have their own people, Americans, French, and Poles taking part in the Kursk operation. Moreover, the equipment that’s being used was precisely prepared by Washington for this mission. It isn’t just the guys in Kiev went into the back lot, they went to the warehouse and pulled out what they had to throw against Kursk. Oh no, they had been armed by Washington for this mission.”

12:46
So, Mr. Klintsevich is saying, “We have a tough fight. We’re holding the line. We’re pushing them back. But there is fierce fighting going on. And don’t you forget it.” All right, that’s not all he said. That would be bad enough. That the– that this is not a PR stunt by Ukraine, that this was not a sudden impulsive act by Mr. Sierski, the general in charge of overall mission, or Mr. Zelensky. That this is a US-driven attack.

13:25
And Klintsevich went on, “Is it a self-standing operation? Or is there something else here?” Well, first, as I said, it was Klintsevich who made the statement that the original objective of the– I mean, they had several objectives, and so always was a reason or explanation for what they were doing available should they got things go awry for the Ukrainians. But the original objective was to take the Kursk nuclear power plant. That indeed, if they had seized it, would have been an invaluable asset to force the hands of the Russians into negotiations on terms more favorable to themselves than Mr. Putin’s take-it-or-leave-it final terms of June, which amounted to capitulation for the Ukrainians.

14:20
Well, they didn’t get very far. They got about 15 kilometers in; they would have had to go perhaps another 60 kilometers to reach the nuclear power plant, and the Russians threw everything at them to ensure that they never got further into Kursk Oblast. But they went– instead of going deep, they went lateral. Lateral was pretty easy to do, because lateral meant more thinly populated population areas, farmland, little homesteads, and very few soldiers. And no anti-tank lines of defense, nothing that made the summer offensive or counter-attack of Ukraine in 2023 such a dismal failure.

15:06
All right, so much for that, but that’s not the whole story. What Klintsevich says is that the seizure of territory, the incursion into Kursk is part of a bigger plan that is still ongoing. And the bigger plan is a wave of airstrikes against the heartland of Russia. This is what all the discussion going on still. Will Washington give the assent? Will Washington not give the assent to Zelensky to use the missiles and the multi-fire artillery equipment that NATO has delivered to Ukraine inside Russian territory, inside Kursk? Will they allow long-range attacks from the F-16s, which are now being made operational, to use the Scalp, the French missiles, or the British equivalent, which everyone knows better, the Storm Shadow missiles, to attack inside Russia?

16:19
The argument from Mr. Zelensky is: these will be used to neutralize the air bases from which Russia is now attacking with its glide bombs and the rest of it. Well, that argument by Zelensky is in fact specious, as Mr. Klintsevich said and as nobody else has said. He remarked that the Russians, by the way, moved all of their airplanes back from the border, back beyond 900 kilometers. So that nothing that the United States or Britain or France or Germany have delivered by way of high precision, long range missiles could ever touch the Russian air bases and airplanes that are now striking Ukraine. So, what would the Ukrainians do with this stuff if Washington said go ahead? Well, they would bomb Russian factories, Russian bridges, like the Kerch Bridge, that civilian infrastructure and military infrastructure in the heartland of Russia.

17:31
And what would that mean according to Mr. Klintsevich? It would mean the start of World War III, because that is a red line that Russia will not accept. Hitting infrastructure within the heartland of Russia would be intended to disrupt the war economy and to traumatize Russian civil society in the hope of a regime change. Mr. Putin and the Russian government will not tolerate that for one instant.

18:08
Now, what are they going to do? We hear a lot of talk. Again, my colleagues speak about, “Ah, will the Russians attack the stores of arms on the other side of the border in the NATO country, like Romania or Poland?” Hey guys, use your imagination a bit better. What will the Russians do? They’re going to hit Washington, DC. Don’t think two minutes about it. They’ve said it. If you’re listening, that’s what they’ve said. So here’s where I say, I think a lot of my colleagues are not really putting their thinking caps on, and they are being used to disseminate inaccurate information by Russian military sources because they’re not, again, using their critical faculty of who is telling them what and why. And with that, I rest my case.

Alkhorshid: 19:04
Yeah. In your opinion right now, Zelensky– usually that there is a difference between Zelensky and Sierski when it comes to this offensive on the Kursk region. Do you think, is there any sort of reality to this?

Doctorow:
Well, look, I have been quoted– by the way, yes, I’m also quoted by Russian media, and your program is quoted. things I’ve said on your program are then put up on the screen, little excerpts, on Russian newspapers or television. And there was a quote, when I or one of my peers is repeating what we have heard from them. So the intent on Russian television is to validate their own statements, because see, it’s a guy in the United States is saying this. Well, the guy in the United States is out saying this because you told him!

19:56
Just to be sure how this whole game works, let’s not be naive. Well I have been quoted two or three days ago and again in Russian newsprint, saying that yeah there’s a big division between Sierski and Zelensky, just what you’re asking me now. And well yeah, it was possible to believe that, but in light of what’s come up since, I don’t believe it They’re all working hand in glove. The argument that Zelensky was about to fire Sierski and that’s why he went on the Kursk offensive, something which I also picked up, I mean, nobody has a monopoly on the truth or on making mistakes. So I also picked that up. I now do not believe in that. I believe they’re acting hand in glove.

20:48
But what I– it just occurs to me that I failed to mention one other point in the argument of Mr. Klintsevich which everyone should consider, because it explains something that seemed rather mysterious and inexplicable three or four months ago when it happened. And that is the the use of drones by the Ukrainians to knock out one and then a second Russian early-warning radar stations in the south of Russia. Our analysts said, my fellow commentators said, “Hey, that doesn’t make too much sense, because after all, the Russian attacks on Ukraine have nothing whatever to do with these radar stations.”

21:38
Okay. Well, Mr. Klimtsevich more or less gave us a reason for why that was done and why we should be very, very worried about Russia’s counter-strikes when they think that they are being put in danger of destruction by the Americans. He brings into play another element in the current events that people do not connect with the Russian story. I was asked on various news programs, “Hey, what’s, can you– what’s what is common between the crisis in the Middle East and the Russian-Ukraine war?”

22:26
I said, well, what’s common is Russia. But I sort of missed a little nuance here. There are two aircraft carriers with their squadrons, their support details now in the Eastern Med. The story that we read in the main major media is that they’re there to shoot down any missiles that Iran may be firing, it may decide to fire, at Israel in their planned counter-attack for the murder of the Hamas leader in Tehran. They could be useful in case the whole situation between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Houthis, Israel and Iran escalates out of control.

23:26
However, it also can be useful in something else. There are, I think, a hundred jets on those carriers together. Anyway, it’s a large number of planes. They all are nuclear capable. They can all be sent on a simultaneous attack on Russia. This is a decapitating attack on Russia. And if the Pentagon thinks that the Russians are ignorant of that possibility, then the Pentagon and Mr. Jake Sullivan and the mummy in the White House should think again, because the Russians have that on their radar screen.

24:07
Now what does this mean? If the Russians are speculating that the United States could at some point in follow-up to the Kursk offensive stage a preventive strike or stage a first nuclear strike on Russia to wipe out its nuclear forces and to decapitate the nation, then the Russians may well be preparing for a preventive strike on the United States today. We don’t see any of this in major media. The American public hasn’t a clue as to its vulnerability because of the extremely risky, unprovoked, and careless, ignorant policies coming from the head of its national security team, coming from the Pentagon, coming from Mr. Blinken’s State Department. Everyone’s concentrated on the election and how they’re going to get rid Trump, etc. And no one is paying attention to whether the country will survive the next idiotic provocation that the United States stages against Russia. So this is food for thought.

Alkhorshid: 25:34
What you’ve just mentioned about this aircraft carriers of the United States, it’s so important and it makes sense, because we have seen the same type of attitude on the part of the United States when it comes to those missiles in Romania. They were talking about “we are putting these missiles in Romania to take care of Iran” and we know that the main reason was Russia. I think we can totally understand what’s the concept behind this type of activities on the part of the United States.

Doctorow: 26:08
Yes, and it’s all below the radar screen. Nobody’s talking about it until Mr. Klintsevich raised it on “The Great Game”. I say a bravo to him. He was 20 years as an officer in the Soviet and then Russian armed forces. He wasn’t doing this job. He was in the parachutist group, which has to be the toughest as nails part of the Russian military. And when he speaks about the fierce fighting going on in Kursk, this is a guy who has seen bullets. He is otherwise given the title as the director of the Society of Russian Afghan War Veterans. He fought in the Afghan war. Hey, this guy has to be taken seriously as a, both as a politician, because he’s now in the upper chamber of the bicameral legislature. He’s a member of the steering committee, note, steering committee of the governing party of Russia, United Russia.

27:22
Therefore, I say– I don’t want to make him out to be the only source worth listening to. Of course not. I don’t speak of the possible methodological errors of my colleagues only to fall into a trap myself. But he is a man worth listening to, and the points were made on the most authoritative Russian political analysis show. So, for these reasons, and I said listening closely to what you hear on the main news programs in Russia, you hear the words that the fight that is going on is a fierce fight. Now, again, to put this into simple language that everyone understands, this means a lot of Russian soldiers are dying. Nobody talks about it. I didn’t expect that, frankly, because the Russians, by evacuating Kursk and the areas that were occupied, could be occupied, was making for itself a free fire zone in the whole territory. And they’ve been dropping everything imaginable to take out both equipment and personnel of the Ukrainian fighting force.

28:39
By the way, one other little detail which I skipped. Since we’ve all been saying, my colleagues have all been saying, that there’s no way to reinforce, to resupply the 10,000, 12,000 men who originally went into Kursk at the start of this operation, dot, dot, dot. Mr. Klintsevich says they’ve raised it from 12 to 20,000. I don’t know how they were sneaking through the holes. But remember, this is a 160 kilometer-long line. Moreover, simultaneously, these otherwise battered ragtag Ukrainian army that as you would imagine they are, if you read the Daily Press, they’re staging simultaneous cross border attacks in the two neighboring provinces or regions of Russia that have a common border with Ukraine. This is Bryansk in the north, closest to Belarus, and it’s Belgorod in between Bryansk and Kursk. They’re attacking there. So, the Ukrainian forces are not depleted to the extent that many people believed, myself included. Again, I was judging by what I heard in open sources, and until Mr. Klintsevich came forward and dropped his little bit of bad news, there was no reason to question that. Now there is.

30:18
So the Russians are facing very severe challenges. They don’t want to take their eyes off the ball, the ball being the Donbas front, where they’re concentrating their best forces, their best troops, their heaviest artillery and other equipment, but they are stalling for time in Kursk, because they cannot resolve it in one blow.

Alkhorshid: 30:47
The other concept would be: we know that behind all of this rhetoric coming out of the West when this conflict started, they were trying to say that Russia is trying to subsume all of Ukraine, but it seems that behind this rhetoric they were trying to make an Afghanistan-Iraq-like situation for Russia in Ukraine, which — can we say that it’s not possible for the West to create such a situation for Russia in Ukraine right now?

31:23
Well, when you listen closely to what’s being said in major media, you hear contradictory descriptions of Russia. Russia was either too big or too small, it’s too strong or too weak. And what is being said, you know, varies from day to day and which newspaper you’re listening to. The idea that we’ve heard is, “Oh, Russia is about to gobble up not just Ukraine. But Mr. Biden’s idea is they want to advance and take over the former Warsaw Pact countries, if not move their tanks straight to Portugal. So, that’s the Russia, the aggressor, Russia, the vicious country.” Other people are saying, “Hey, look, these guys can’t even take take back Kursk, Oblast. How do you imagine they’re going to gobble up the rest of Ukraine, let alone snap up Poland, the Baltics, and you name it?”

So we hear from day to day, this estimation of Russia, its intentions, its capabilities, rocking back and forth from the most amazing and monstrous aggressor to a kind of spoiler that really can’t do much. So let’s get it over with them.

Alkhorshid: 32:36
How do you find– because after this offensive, after this attack on the Kursk region, we’ve learned that Russians, the Putin administration, was talking about that there is no possibility of having any sort of peace talks with Kiev. And right now when you see Modi going to Kiev and trying to– it seems so strange in my mind. And why is he trying to do this, in your opinion?

Doctorow:
Well, for one thing, he would like to move ahead of China. I think he’s very– there’s a fierce personal competition between the leaders of … China and India, particularly on the Indian side. Much of the hope for investment and industrialization of India would be coming at the expense of China, we know that. So there is a rivalry at the level of leaders. And China set out its own peace plan. China is a great friend of Mr. Putin and has presented itself as an honest broker in the Ukraine-Russia war, in the same way that it successfully moderated the dispute between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

33:56
So I think Mr. Modi wants to do an end run around China and be very useful to both parties. Also, I think because he is doing so much to embrace Mr. Putin physically when they met in Moscow, which really unnerved Washington, as well as generally policy-wise. I think this is a token to Washington, saying, “Hey, look, I’m not such a bad guy. I can be helpful to you, useful to you whenever you’re ready to wind down the war in Ukraine and need help with an exit ramp.”

34:39
So, he’s being rather cagey. He’s a good politician, he survived a lot of things. He has no illusions about the United States. He’s not soft in the head. After all, Mr. Modi before he won his presidential election was personally sanctioned by the United States for his nationalism, his Hindu nationalism. And so, he’s felt the backhand of the United States on his skin. What he does is calculated to India’s national interests. And so it is with this visit to Kiev, he may have been somewhat useful in toning down Mr. Zelensky, but that’s– we’ll see in the days ahead.

Alkhorshid: 35:28
Yeah, and you’ve mentioned that Zelensky is getting so desperate, but do you think that Washington goes with the plan of giving him long-range missiles at the end of the day? Because that would be hugely in the same direction that the, this Russian analyst that you see, Klintsevich, was talking about, Klintsevich was talking about.

Doctorow:
Exactly. If the United States is indeed prepared to escalate just short of World War III, then they will give him the go-ahead. Because the Russians, as I said, Mr. Ryabkov is the really hard voice within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Lavrov has been quite tough-sounding in recent days, and yesterday included, but the real guy who is tough on the West is Mr. Ryabkov. And he’s come out saying, “Hey, look, watch out, watch out” to the West, to the United States in particular. So the Pentagon is watching out. Whether or not Mr. Blinken and Mr. Jake Sullivan are watching out is another question, how well they can calibrate what they want to let Mr. Zelensky do against the risk of the United States being directly unequivocally identified as a co-belligerent and having war declared on them by Russia.

36:56
Let’s remember Mr. Putin is a lawyer. He takes international law very seriously. And I suspect that moments before he launches an attack on the United States, he will officially declare war. So, I think that Sullivan and company have reason to watch out and not to give permission. But having said that, it’s a safe bet that the most feared U.S. missiles, the Johnson, These are the stealth missiles, the missiles which have a 500, 900 kilometer range, can be mounted on F-16s, two of them at a time, carry a big payload, and most important, are very difficult to detect. The Russians have not experience with that. If these missiles would now be used by F-16s operating in Ukrainian airspace to the limit that is safe for them to do, it could reach a lot of targets, as I said, primarily civilian and military infrastructure, not air bases, because the planes have been moved away. And that would be a casus belli for the Russians. Whether or not this particular point is appreciated by Mr. Sullivan, I don’t know.

Alkhorshid: 38:28
“New York Times” reported that Jake Sullivan is going to be in China talking to Xi and trying to convince him not to help Russia. And it seems that he is going to talk about new sanctions, new tariffs in order to convince them. Do you think with the current situation of the Biden administration and … they’re capable of putting pressure on China?

Doctorow:
Well, I think the Russians had a good term for that, what we have in the United States. They call it “the collective Biden”. So the collective Biden is really out of control. I don’t think– I mean, some of my colleagues are very good analysts, and I respect what they’re saying, that this collective Biden is not insane after all. But I’m not so sure about that. You can act in a sane or insane way depending on how well informed you are. And given that the people at the top of the United States do not put any credence in and they’re not even interested in what the Russians are saying, they are flying blind a lot of the time.

One more thing coming back to Mr. … the city spokesman on “The Great Game” show, is that he said, we still have a line of communication to open to the States in extremis. And he believes that if this decision– for example, goes forward to allow the Ukrainians to use the JASSM, to use the HIMARS, to use the other very damaging and dangerous precision strike equipment the United States has given them– if that goes ahead, then this back channel or red telephone would be used as a last warning to Collective Biden.

Alkhorshid: 40:48
Yeah. Just to wrap up this session, do you think that Europe– there is an interview JD Vance gave to the Bill O’Reilly show. He’s talking about that Europe must focus on Ukraine while the US priority is China. If I were European, I would think that this has two messages for Europe. The first would be Europe would be alone in supporting Ukraine if Trump wins. And the second part would be the conflict with China, which would be devastating for Europe. How do you think, what the Europeans are thinking of this type of comments coming out of the United States?

Doctorow: 41:41
Well, Europe is becoming more divided by the day. Mr. Scholz has more or less backed away from providing any further military or financial assistance to Ukraine. And Germany has been the single biggest donor over the course of this, for the last two years. Others, little countries, the Baltics, of course, they will give everything to Ukraine. The Poles are a little bit more hesitant for obvious reasons. They don’t want more refugees fleeing Ukraine and landing on their doorstep. They have quite enough agricultural workers from Ukraine in-country right now. The– Denmark, Belgium, yes, they’re now sending F-16s, or preparing to send them.

42:28
But there is a split in Europe. There’s a split within some very important countries. France is divided, still has no government, and it’s unlikely, I’d say, to have a government for a good long time. The viability of a united EU, not to mention united NATO, persisting in aiding Mr. Zelensky after a victory, say, by Trump, is very, very low to non-existent. I think that should Mr. Trump win the election on November 4th, we will see a draining away of the powers in those who have recently so comfortably reinstalled themselves at the head of European institutions, like Von der Leyen and like the outgoing Prime Minister of Estonia, who was now about to be anointed the Minister of Foreign Policy and Defence.

43:32
These people may keep their titles for a while, but all power will be drained away from them, and we’ll go to the 30 or 40 percent minority within the European Parliament that Mr. Orban has gathered under this title of Patriots for Europe. So I would not count on a united Europe in general, with or without a victory by Trump, although a victory by Trump makes it a certainty that Europe will crack.

Alkhorshid: 44:08
Yeah.Thank you so much for being with us today, great pleasure, Gilbert.

Doctorow:
Thank you so much for allowing me to share these unconventional views with your audience.

Ausgabe von „Dialogue Works“ vom 28. August 2024: Kursk und die Vorbereitungen der USA auf einen ersten, köpfenden Atomschlag gegen Russland

Im heutigen 40-minütigen Chat mit Gastgeber Nima Alkhorshid gingen wir auf viele der Themen ein, die ich in meinem jüngsten analytischen Artikel mit dem Titel „Für Russland ist die Wiedererlangung der Kursk kein Spaziergang im Rosengarten“ angesprochen habe.

Ich war besonders dankbar für die Möglichkeit, die methodischen Fehler zu erläutern, die ich bei den meisten meiner Kollegen in der „Dissidentenbewegung“, die sich gegen das Washingtoner Narrativ aussprechen und heutzutage vor allem auf Youtube zu sehen sind, feststelle. Ich sage das nicht, um mich selbst zu profilieren, sondern um Vernunft und Ausgewogenheit in das zu bringen, was zu einer höchst emotionalen Interpretation der Vorgänge im Russland-Ukraine-Krieg geworden ist.

Es geht darum, dass meine Kollegen Hinterzimmerkanäle in Russland nutzen, und zwar von pensionierten oder aktiven Militärs und von Politikwissenschaftlern, um hier im Westen etwas zu produzieren, was wie beeindruckende „Scoops“ aussieht, aber in Wirklichkeit etwas ganz anderes ist: Damit meine ich, dass die Kollegen wahrscheinlich von ihren russischen Kontakten dazu gebracht werden, irreführende oder ungenaue Informationen zu verbreiten, die die russischen Militäroperationen wie den sprichwörtlichen Spaziergang im Rosengarten und die Ukrainer wie eine dezimierte, zerlumpte Truppe aussehen lassen. Nein, wie ein hochrangiger russischer Militärexperte, der Mitglied des Oberhauses der russischen Zweikammer-Legislative ist, vor zwei Tagen in einer russischen Talkshow erklärte, finden in Kursk heftige Kämpfe statt, und nicht nur ein paar „Bomben weg“ von russischen Jets, die Gleitbomben abwerfen. „Heftige Kämpfe“ bedeutet, dass es auf beiden Seiten schwere Verluste gibt und dass die Bemühungen, die Ukrainer aus Kursk zu vertreiben, einige Zeit in Anspruch nehmen werden.

Alle Herausforderungen für die Russen in Kursk sind auf die Rolle zurückzuführen, die die Vereinigten Staaten dort gespielt haben und spielen. Die USA liefern den Ukrainern Echtzeit-Satellitenaufklärung und Unterstützung bei der Führung und Kontrolle. Außerdem wurde die gesamte Ausrüstung, die die Ukrainer verwenden, von den USA genau für diesen Einsatz geliefert. Und derselbe russische Diskussionsteilnehmer bei Das grosse Spiel sagt, dass diese Vorbereitung durch die Vereinigten Staaten bedeutet, dass Russlands Feind vor Ort in Kursk in besserer Kampfform ist als die Russen.

Und dann gibt es noch den möglichen, vielleicht sogar wahrscheinlichen Zusammenhang zwischen der von den USA geplanten und durchgeführten Invasion von Kursk und der Positionierung von zwei US-Flugzeugträgern im östlichen Mittelmeer, wo sie ebenso leicht einen nuklearen Erstschlag gegen Russland führen könnten wie sie in einen israelisch-iranischen Krieg eingreifen können, von dem wir in den großen westlichen Medien nur hören.

Das größte Problem in diesem Interview ist jedoch die Frage: Wo sind die russischen Experten im Westen, die die Sprache und Kultur so gut kennen wie ich? Wir hören nichts von ihnen. Die Arbeit, den Krieg zu kommentieren, wurde Leuten überlassen, die zwar hochqualifizierte geopolitische und militärische Experten sind, denen es aber an fundierten Ortskenntnissen und Sprachkenntnissen mangelt, die notwendig wären, um die Informationen, die sie von ihren Quellen erhalten, zu überprüfen, bevor sie sie an ihre Zuschauer und Leser weitergeben. Ja, solche Russlandexperten gibt es. Ich bin nicht allein in einem Vakuum. Es gibt mehrere Hundert, wenn nicht Tausende von ihnen in den Vereinigten Staaten. Fast alle sind als Professoren oder Dozenten an Universitäten tätig, wo sie sofort gefeuert werden, wenn sie den Mund aufmachen und öffentlich sagen, was ich sage. Andere von ihnen arbeiten in Denkfabriken wie RAND, wo schon der Gedanke an Widerstand gegen das Washingtoner Narrativ als Ketzerei gilt.

A call to techies for assistance

Dear All,

A couple of days ago, I gave an interview to the Russian private television channel NTV who asked me to comment on the ongoing construction of a permanent military base in Lithuania by and for the German armed forces.

They asked how threatening this provocative move may be to Russian security, and I gave a fairly comprehensive answer, which amounted to: “don’t fret about it, since it wouldn’t hold up Russian capture of the country by more than an hour or two.” Otherwise, I went well beyond what they they asked for and used the microphone to address directly their Russian audience with some news about the U.S. presidential elections and in particular, the endorsement of Trump’s candidacy by some sane, experienced and responsible people. I alluded specifically to Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. My point was that the general pessimism about prospects for bringing relations with the United States back from the brink of war which Russians hear daily on their main state channels may be overdone.

The NTV producers have now just sent me the video that was aired. However, due to the overbearing censorship of all things Russian in Belgium, as in most of the EU, I cannot view this.

https://www.ntv.ru/video/2359495

I know some of you will say – go to VPN. But there are reasons why I do not like that solution. Instead I ask those of you with technical skills to see if you can download this and convert it into a video file that can be viewed separately from the NTV website. Best of all would be to repost this file to a website that everyone can freely view. I will be most appreciative for such assistance.

For those unfamiliar with NTV, it was founded in 1990s Moscow by the fabulously wealthy oligarch Vladimir Gusinsky, who along with Boris Berezovsky was one of the Magnificent Seven who conspired to ensure the reelection of Boris Yeltsin by all means fair and foul. In that period he ruled over a media empire which was self-financed by his Most Bank.

In the first decade of this century, Gusinsky and his wealth moved abroad to Spain and/or Israel. The independent television channel he founded continued under new management but with a certain deference to him. When I went to their studios in the same complex as a state broadcaster located near Moscow’s main television tower back in 2016 to participate in their talk show Meeting Place (Место встречи), I saw several photos of Gusinsky from the 90s still hanging on their walls.

Postscript: This exercise has proven yet again that without friends, you do not go far in life. One reader has found the solution to the problem posed here. His link is embedded here:

I am grateful for this help, because it is interesting to see what NTV is up to. Regrettably, not much good. They took 20 minutes of interview for the sake of 15 seconds insertion in their brief news item for their weekly review. High tension, barely audible, but I suppose they have an audience in Russia for that.

So much for Russian commercial television. I will stick by the state broadcasters who are far more serious

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Ein Hilferuf an die Techniker

Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren,

vor ein paar Tagen habe ich dem russischen Privatfernsehen NTV ein Interview gegeben, in dem ich gebeten wurde, mich zum laufenden Bau einer ständigen Militärbasis in Litauen durch und für die deutschen Streitkräfte zu äußern.

Sie fragten mich, wie bedrohlich dieser provokative Schritt für die russische Sicherheit sein könnte, und ich gab eine ziemlich umfassende Antwort, die auf Folgendes hinauslief: „Machen Sie sich keine Sorgen, es würde die russische Eroberung des Landes nicht länger als ein oder zwei Stunden verzögern.“ Ansonsten ging ich weit über das hinaus, worum sie gebeten hatten, und nutzte das Mikrofon, um ihr russisches Publikum direkt mit einigen Neuigkeiten über die US-Präsidentschaftswahlen und insbesondere die Unterstützung von Trumps Kandidatur durch einige vernünftige, erfahrene und verantwortungsbewusste Menschen anzusprechen. Ich habe speziell auf Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. angespielt. Ich wollte damit sagen, dass der allgemeine Pessimismus über die Aussichten, die Beziehungen zu den Vereinigten Staaten wieder an den Rand des Krieges zu bringen, den die Russen täglich in ihren wichtigsten staatlichen Sendern hören, möglicherweise übertrieben ist.

Die Produzenten von NTV haben mir soeben das ausgestrahlte Video zugeschickt. Aufgrund der übermäßigen Zensur von allem, was mit Russland zu tun hat, kann ich es jedoch in Belgien, wie in den meisten Ländern der EU, nicht sehen.

https://www.ntv.ru/video/2359495

Ich weiß, dass einige von Ihnen sagen werden – gehen Sie zu VPN. Aber es gibt Gründe, warum ich diese Lösung nicht mag. Stattdessen bitte ich diejenigen unter Ihnen, die über technische Fähigkeiten verfügen, zu prüfen, ob Sie diese Datei herunterladen und in eine Videodatei umwandeln können, die separat von der NTV-Website angesehen werden kann. Am besten wäre es, wenn Sie diese Datei auf eine Website stellen würden, die jeder frei einsehen kann. Ich wäre Ihnen für eine solche Hilfe sehr dankbar.

Für diejenigen, die NTV nicht kennen: NTV wurde in den 1990er Jahren in Moskau von dem sagenhaft reichen Oligarchen Wladimir Gusinski gegründet, der zusammen mit Boris Beresowski zu den Prächtigen Sieben gehörte, die sich verschworen hatten, um die Wiederwahl von Boris Jelzin mit allen Mitteln zu sichern. In dieser Zeit herrschte er über ein Medienimperium, das sich durch seine Most Bank selbst finanzierte.

Im ersten Jahrzehnt dieses Jahrhunderts zog Gusinsky mit seinem Reichtum ins Ausland nach Spanien und/oder Israel. Der von ihm gegründete unabhängige Fernsehsender wurde unter neuer Leitung, aber mit einer gewissen Ehrerbietung ihm gegenüber weitergeführt. Als ich 2016 in die Studios des Senders ging, die sich im selben Komplex wie ein staatlicher Sender in der Nähe des Moskauer Fernsehturms befinden, um an der Talkshow Treffpunkt (Место встречи) teilzunehmen, sah ich mehrere Fotos von Gusinsky aus den 90er Jahren an den Wänden hängen.

Nachtrag: Diese Übung hat wieder einmal bewiesen, dass man ohne Freunde im Leben nicht weit kommt. Ein Leser hat die Lösung für das hier gestellte Problem gefunden. Sein Link ist hier eingebettet:

Ich bin dankbar für diese Hilfe, denn es ist interessant zu sehen, was NTV so treibt. Bedauerlicherweise nicht viel Gutes. Sie haben ein 20 Minuten langes Interview aufommen, um nur 15 Sekunden in ihre Kurznachrichten für den Wochenrückblick einzubauen. Hochspannung, kaum hörbar, aber ich nehme an, dass sie dafür in Russland ein Publikum haben.

So viel zum kommerziellen russischen Fernsehen. Ich bleibe bei den staatlichen Sendern, die viel seriöser sind.

For Russia, recovering Kursk is no walk in the rose garden

In my last appearance on Judging Freedom, Judge Napolitano asked me whether the Ukrainian invasion of the Kursk region would be ended by the time of our next chat, two days from today. The implicit assumption behind this question is that the Russians were doing so well destroying all the NATO-supplied tanks, personnel carriers and other advanced equipment, they were killing and maiming so many Ukrainian troops by their carpet bombing and heavy glide bombing of the region, that none but a rag tag collection of invaders would be left to liquidate or take prisoner in the several days ahead.

This assumption was founded in the confident declarations of my peers in the Opposition or, shall we say, ‘dissident’ movement in the United States. And their certainty, which was reflected in the over-hyped titles given to the recordings of their interviews on youtube came from back channels in Russia that my peers have been using for their public statements.

For example, the very widely watched Scott Ritter revealed in a recent interview that he has been in touch with the commander of the Chechen forces now engaged in Kursk, Alaudinov. Such contact is entirely credible given the fact that Ritter visited Grozny earlier this year, met with the republic’s leader Kadyrov, participated in a review of the Chechen troops and surely met with some of their military chiefs.

Indeed, in view of the seeming consensus that the Russian recovery of Kursk is proceeding apace, with 4,000 of the estimated 12,000 invaders having been killed up to last Thursday,  I also foresaw an early end to the conflict, though not necessarily measured in one week. As I explained, the Russian Ministry of Defense only claims territorial gains when it has thoroughly combed the territory and assured itself there are no enemy forces hiding out here or there. The 1,000 square kilometers initially occupied by the Ukrainians are a lot of ground to comb

However, I have had my reasonable doubts about the value of using such back channels as Alaudinov. Back in the days of the battle for Bakhmut, we saw a lot of Alaudinov on the Sixty Minutes news and talk show. Each day presenter Olga Skabeyeva warmly welcomed him on air and he handled himself very well, speaking optimistically of Russia’s progress but giving no specifics that could be of use to the enemy. In short, his lips were sealed.  I find it hard to believe that such a professional soldier and patriot would give anything of use to a foreigner, however friendly he or she might be to the Russian cause.

Last night’s edition of the talk show The Great Game gave a very different picture of the state of conflict in Kursk from what my peers are saying and of where this proxy war may be headed NOW, not in some distant future.

See https://rutube.ru/video/f8abcf8a37c43568ef44089025726934/

The key personality in this discussion was Frants Klintsevich, identified on the video as leader of the Russian Union of Veterans of Afghanistan. His Wikipedia entry further informs us that after serving as a Duma member for many years he is now a Senator, i.e., a member of the upper chamber of Russia’s bicameral legislature. He has represented the city administration of Smolensk in the western part of the Russian Federation, where he is no stranger, having been born just across the border in what is now the independent state of Belarus.

For 22 years ending in 1997, Klintsevich was an officer in Russia’s Armed Forces, serving primarily with the parachutists, meaning that he has guts and knows what it means to face battle. He retired with the rank of colonel, but continued his military education in the Military Academy of the General Staff, graduating in 2004. He also has a Ph.D. in psychology and is a gifted linguist, with command of German, Polish, and Belarussian. He is a member of the steering committee of the ruling United Russia party. I bring this out to make the point that Klintsevich is no garden variety ‘talking head’ but a very authoritative source.

And his testimony on The Great Game is the kind of Open Source on which I rely to say what I do about current Russian affairs.

Klintsevich’s commentary last night was intended to sober up the television audience and explain why the fight in Kursk is far more complicated and challenging than anyone is saying either on Russian or on Western news. It suggests that Russian casualties among its armed forces may be far more serious than anyone would suppose.

Klintsevich’s commentary lays the foundation for a dramatic Russian escalation of the proxy war into a hot war threatening to become WWIII. Why?  Because the so-called Zelensky gambit in Kursk is fully enabled by the United States and its NATO allies, using skills, satellite and airborne reconnaissance, command and control resources in real time that are superior to anything the Russians possess. It also has Western including U.S. boots on the ground. And in conditions like this, the disadvantaged side faces a strong temptation to go for the great equalizer, nuclear arms, to defend itself and to assure its victory.

Klintsevich also said what I have not seen elsewhere, given the ubiquitous belief in Opposition interviews that the Ukrainians in Kursk are cut off from sources of supply: that Kiev has now raised the number of its forces sent to Kursk from 12,000 to 20,000.

In short, the Zelensky gambit that is being enabled fully by the United States is not a PR stunt but a full-blown invasion intended to be the vanguard of what will be an air assault on Russia’s strategic assets far in the rear using JASSM, Storm Shadow and other long-range missiles launched from F16s.

Klintsevich has further intimated that the two U.S. aircraft carriers and their escorts now in the Eastern Mediterranean may be there not to contain Iran but for an all-out attack on Russia using their jets to deliver nuclear strikes.  I add to his analysis that this may explain the knock-out of Russia’s early warning radar stations in the south of the country by Ukrainian drones acting on orders from Washington.

So far, the Russian response to these gathering storm clouds has been two days in succession of massive missile and drone attacks on critical infrastructure in Ukraine. But let us not have any illusions: if the Russians sense that the United States is about to pounce on them, to use the assets in Ukraine and beyond not just against Russian planes, which have been moved back beyond the 900 km range of the JASSM and Storm Shadows, but on critical civilian infrastructure to disable the war effort, then a preventive Russian attack on NATO, on the continental United States. not to mince words, is entirely conceivable. 

All of this is sure to play out in the weeks before 4 November and the U.S. elections.  The Biden administration is evidently committed to a struggle to the death. Who will flinch? Who will “win” is an open question.  Washington, you have been forewarned by Mr. Klintsevich, who is surely speaking on behalf of the Kremlin.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Für Russland ist die Rückeroberung von Kursk kein Spaziergang im Rosengarten

Bei meinem letzten Auftritt in der Sendung „Judging Freedom“ fragte mich Judge Napolitano, ob die ukrainische Invasion in der Region Kursk bis zu unserem nächsten Chat in zwei Tagen beendet sein würde. Die implizite Annahme hinter dieser Frage ist, dass die Russen bei der Zerstörung aller von der NATO gelieferten Panzer, Mannschaftstransporter und anderer moderner Ausrüstung so gut vorankommen, dass sie bei ihren Bombenteppichen und schweren Gleitbombenangriffen auf die Region so viele ukrainische Truppen töten und verstümmeln, dass in den nächsten Tagen nur noch eine Ansammlung von Eindringlingen übrig bleiben würde, die sie liquidieren oder gefangen nehmen könnten.

Diese Annahme beruhte auf den zuversichtlichen Erklärungen meiner Kollegen aus der Opposition oder, sagen wir, der „Dissidentenbewegung“ in den Vereinigten Staaten. Und ihre Gewissheit, die sich in den übertriebenen Titeln der Aufnahmen ihrer Interviews auf youtube widerspiegelte, stammte aus Hinterkanälen in Russland, die meine Kollegen für ihre öffentlichen Erklärungen genutzt haben.

So hat der vielbeachtete Scott Ritter in einem kürzlich erschienenen Interview enthüllt, dass er mit dem Kommandeur der tschetschenischen Streitkräfte, die derzeit in Kursk im Einsatz sind, Alaudinow, in Kontakt steht. Ein solcher Kontakt ist durchaus glaubwürdig, wenn man bedenkt, dass Ritter Anfang des Jahres Grosny besucht hat, mit dem Führer der Republik, Kadyrow, zusammengetroffen ist, an einer Überprüfung der tschetschenischen Truppen teilgenommen hat und sicherlich mit einigen ihrer Militärchefs zusammengetroffen ist.

Angesichts des scheinbaren Konsenses, dass die russische Rückeroberung von Kursk zügig voranschreitet und bis letzten Donnerstag 4.000 der geschätzten 12.000 Angreifer getötet wurden, habe auch ich ein baldiges Ende dieses Konflikts vorausgesagt, wenn auch nicht unbedingt in einer Woche. Wie ich erklärt habe, beansprucht das russische Verteidigungsministerium Gebietsgewinne erst dann, wenn es das Gebiet gründlich durchgekämmt und sich vergewissert hat, dass sich hier oder dort keine feindlichen Kräfte verstecken. Die ursprünglich von den Ukrainern besetzten 1.000 Quadratkilometer sind ein großes Gebiet, das es zu durchkämmen gilt.

Ich habe jedoch begründete Zweifel am Wert der Nutzung solcher Hintertürchen wie Alaudinow. In den Tagen des Kampfes um Bakhmut sahen wir Alaudinov häufig in der Nachrichten- und Talkshow Sechzig Minuten. Jeden Tag begrüßte ihn die Moderatorin Olga Skabejewa in der Sendung, und er verhielt sich sehr geschickt, indem er optimistisch über Russlands Fortschritte sprach, aber keine Einzelheiten nannte, die dem Feind nützen könnten. Kurzum, seine Lippen waren versiegelt. Es fällt mir schwer zu glauben, dass ein solcher Berufssoldat und Patriot einem Ausländer, auch wenn er der russischen Sache noch so freundlich gesinnt ist, etwas Nützliches sagen würde.

Die gestrige Ausgabe der Talkshow „Das grosse Spiel“ vermittelte ein ganz anderes Bild vom Stand des Konflikts in Kursk als das, was meine Kollegen sagen, und davon, wohin dieser Stellvertreterkrieg möglicherweise JETZT und nicht in einer fernen Zukunft führt.

Siehe https://rutube.ru/video/f8abcf8a37c43568ef44089025726934/

Die Schlüsselperson in dieser Diskussion war Frants Klintsevich, der in dem Video als Vorsitzender der Russischen Union der Afghanistan-Veteranen bezeichnet wird. Seinem Wikipedia-Eintrag ist zu entnehmen, dass er nach vielen Jahren als Duma-Abgeordneter nun Senator ist, d.h. Mitglied des Oberhauses der russischen Zweikammer-Legislative. Er vertrat die Stadtverwaltung von Smolensk im westlichen Teil der Russischen Föderation, wo er als gebürtiger Weißrusse gleich hinter der Grenze geboren wurde.

22 Jahre lang, bis 1997, war Klintsevich Offizier der russischen Streitkräfte und diente hauptsächlich bei den Fallschirmspringern, was bedeutet, dass er Mut hat und weiß, was es heißt, sich dem Kampf zu stellen. Er schied im Rang eines Obersts aus, setzte aber seine militärische Ausbildung an der Militärakademie des Generalstabs fort und schloss sie 2004 ab. Er hat außerdem einen Doktortitel in Psychologie und ist ein begnadeter Sprachwissenschaftler, der Deutsch, Polnisch und Weißrussisch beherrscht. Er ist Mitglied des Lenkungsausschusses der Regierungspartei Einiges Russland. Ich erwähne dies, um deutlich zu machen, dass Klintsevich keine gewöhnliche „Quasselstrippe“ ist, sondern eine sehr verlässliche Quelle.

Und seine Aussage in der Sendung Das grosse Spiel ist die Art von Open Source, auf die ich mich stütze, wenn ich mich zu aktuellen russischen Angelegenheiten äußere.

Klintsevichs Kommentar gestern Abend sollte die Fernsehzuschauer nüchtern machen und erklären, warum der Kampf in Kursk viel komplizierter und schwieriger ist, als in den russischen oder westlichen Nachrichten behauptet wird. Er deutet darauf hin, dass die Verluste unter den russischen Streitkräften weitaus schwerwiegender sind, als man annehmen würde.

Klintsevichs Kommentar legt den Grundstein für eine dramatische russische Eskalation des Stellvertreterkriegs zu einem heißen Krieg, der sich zum Dritten Weltkrieg auszuweiten droht. Und warum? Weil das so genannte Zelensky-Gambit in Kursk von den Vereinigten Staaten und ihren NATO-Verbündeten vollständig ermöglicht wird, indem sie Fähigkeiten, satelliten- und luftgestützte Aufklärungs-, Kommando- und Kontrollressourcen in Echtzeit einsetzen, die allem überlegen sind, über was die Russen verfügen. Außerdem verfügt sie über westliche Truppen, darunter auch US-Soldaten am Boden. Und unter solchen Bedingungen ist die benachteiligte Seite stark versucht, zum großen Gleichmacher, den Atomwaffen, zu greifen, um sich zu verteidigen und ihren Sieg zu sichern.

Klintsevich sagte auch, was ich angesichts der in den Interviews der Opposition allgegenwärtigen Überzeugung, dass die Ukrainer in Kursk von den Versorgungsquellen abgeschnitten seien, nirgendwo anders gesehen habe: dass Kiew die Zahl seiner nach Kursk entsandten Truppen jetzt von 12.000 auf 20.000 erhöht hat.

Kurz gesagt, das Zelenski-Gambit, das von den Vereinigten Staaten in vollem Umfang unterstützt wird, ist kein PR-Gag, sondern eine ausgewachsene Invasion, die die Vorhut eines Luftangriffs auf die strategischen Einrichtungen Russlands weit hinten bilden soll, bei dem JASSM-, Storm Shadow- und andere Langstreckenraketen von F16-Flugzeugen aus eingesetzt werden.

Klintsevich hat ferner angedeutet, dass die beiden US-Flugzeugträger und ihre Eskorten, die sich derzeit im östlichen Mittelmeer aufhalten, möglicherweise nicht dazu da sind, den Iran einzudämmen, sondern für einen umfassenden Angriff auf Russland, bei dem ihre Jets für einen Atomschlag eingesetzt werden. Ich füge seiner Analyse hinzu, dass dies die Ausschaltung der russischen Frühwarnradarstationen im Süden des Landes durch ukrainische Drohnen erklären könnte, die auf Befehl Washingtons erfolgt ist.

Die russische Antwort auf diese aufziehenden Gewitterwolken waren bisher zwei Tage in Folge massive Raketen- und Drohnenangriffe auf kritische Infrastrukturen in der Ukraine. Aber machen wir uns keine Illusionen: Wenn die Russen spüren, dass die Vereinigten Staaten im Begriff sind, über sie herzufallen und die Mittel in der Ukraine und darüber hinaus nicht nur gegen russische Flugzeuge einzusetzen, die über die 900 km-Reichweite der JASSM und Storm Shadows hinaus zurückgezogen wurden, sondern auch gegen kritische zivile Infrastrukturen, um die Kriegsanstrengungen zu behindern, dann ist ein präventiver russischer Angriff auf die NATO, auf das Festland der Vereinigten Staaten – um kein Blatt vor den Mund zu nehmen – durchaus denkbar.

All dies wird sich sicher in den Wochen vor dem 4. November und den Wahlen in den USA abspielen. Die Regierung Biden hat sich offensichtlich auf einen Kampf bis zum Tod festgelegt. Wer wird zurückschrecken? Wer „gewinnen“ wird, ist eine offene Frage. Washington, Sie sind von Herrn Klintsevich, der sicherlich im Namen des Kremls spricht, vorgewarnt worden.

Russia as the ‘Noah’s Ark’ for Westerners seeking refuge from the excesses of “Liberal Democracy” and “Transhumanism”

Over the past couple of weeks, I have received several messages from readers of these pages asking for advice with respect to prospects for resettling in Russia with their families. They have each alluded to a  presidential edict recently signed by Vladimir Putin offering a warm welcome to foreigners who seek refuge from the unacceptable deviant values being imposed on the citizenry in their home countries by the vanguard of ‘progressive humanity’ who hold power there.  Dissemination of LGBTQ+ propaganda among the young, sex change operations for minors without parental consent, teachers in public schools who discuss the students’ sexual lives with them (as Democratic Vice Presidential candidate Tim Walz apparently has done during his years as a school teacher):  all of these monstrous new ‘values’ can be left behind, it would seem, by resettling in Russia, where traditional family values and Christian spirituality receive full support from the government, from the Orthodox Church and from civil society.

I have to admit that I have been rather grumpy in my answers to these hopeful and inspired would-be settlers in Russia. I explained that over the past decades Russia has not been at all welcoming to the millions of its own countrymen who were left stranded as second class citizens in the former republics of the USSR following its dissolution, not to mention applicants from other countries and other ethnicities. Only in the recent past has Russia departed from this rule by freely handing out passports to Russian speakers in Ukraine and assisting their resettlement. Accordingly I was skeptical that the well meaning change in visa and emigration procedures for Westerners decided at the top would be duly implemented at the working level of the Russian bureaucracy.

The edict looked to me like a public relations stunt, a whim of someone in the presidential entourage who is well removed from day to day routines of the ministries responsible for issuing visas and processing residence permits. I maintained this view as late as this morning while reading the announcement by Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova that already several thousand Europeans have filed requests to avail themselves of the terms of the Edict.

However, a chance reading this evening of the background to the ideas underlying the edict has changed my thinking about its likely implementation by 180 degrees. What I see here is precisely the putting into law of the vision of Russia as a ‘Noah’s Ark’ for holders of traditional Christian, traditional European values that was formulated back in 2008 as part of the search for a Russian national identity that began with the dissolution of the Soviet Union and that may be described as a still unfinished but substantially built edifice today.

In what follows, I will first quote several paragraphs from the formulation of the ‘Noah’s Ark’ concept for Russia in 2008. Then I will explain something about the book in which I found these paragraphs, about the author of the book and about my likely connection to him and his work. I will close with a remark on what all of this says about the presence or absence of influence on the thinking of Russia’s president Vladimir Putin by those whom the author of the book in question calls Russia’s ‘visionaries.’

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Selected passages on the origins of the ‘Noah’s Ark’ concept to describe Russia’s special mission in the world:

Quote

 President of Russian Entrepreneur and current member of the Izborsk Club, Sergey Pisarev, was the first to propose, in 2008, and has been developing ever since the idea that Russia is uniquely capable of becoming a global haven and shelter (the Russian Ark or Ark Russia) for all those who refuse to submit to the dehumanizing pressures of neoliberal (“transhumanist”) ideology. 

According to Pisarev, Russia can resolve the stark choice between degradation and creative self-realization by becoming a haven for adherents to traditional moral-ethical and family values. Not unlike Noah’s Ark, “it can save those who want to preserve our civilization, buffeted by the murky floods of baseness, amorality, ‘fake news,’ and cynical brute force. Russia could become a society in which people would live according to natural moral-ethical laws under a social system resembling a naturally standing—not an inverted—pyramid.

 Russian civilization’s main difference from and advantage over that of the self-professedly liberal-democratic societies are in Russia’s deep spirituality and traditionality. Russian society can be represented as a securely standing hierarchical pyramid, with God (monarch, president) at the top, the state apparatus as the next lower level, and society, consisting of private individuals, as its base. Western society can be represented by “an inverted pyramid,” based, first and foremost, on the individual in his/her/their/its/them’s relentless pursuit of gain and pleasure. The individual is number one—the be-all and end-all of all social processes; the private individual’s personal rights and freedoms must be served by the state to the exclusion of any spiritual values, except for the thinly spread atomized ones that do not amount to any common good. In the Russian model, society (individuals) supports the state. In the Western model, the state exists to satisfy the individual’s private predilections. Following the 1991 bourgeois counter-revolution, the “liberal-democratic, civilized West” has been particularly active in trying to impose this latter social model on Russia as well. Russia rebels, driving the “free world” round the proverbial bend. The “Russia as the new Noah’s Ark” ideology is a spin-off of this rebellion.

Unquote

The source for these passages is Russia’s Visionaries: Direct Speech by Alexander Burak, released in 2020 by Cambridge Scholars Publishing (U.K.) and available from Amazon in a paperback and hardback editions. Burak is Associate Professor of Russian at the University of Florida.

As my readers know well, I am perhaps the only American or European commentator on Russia’s current international relations who makes extensive use of Open Sources from among Russian media, and in particular from among the news programs and political talk shows on state television.  And given that, unlike the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation is an open society with relatively little censorship (a fact bemoaned by its more aggressive nationalists), you can learn a great deal from what you see in print and without having to ‘read between the lines.’

Among the journalists and pundits, I seem to have the aforementioned field to myself by default, since other commentators lack the language skills to make use of the rich veins of information to be found in the Russian language public domain. And, regrettably, Russian media simply do not seem to appreciate the potential value to their national interest if their leading television programs were placed on the internet with voice over or subtitles in English.

However, Professor Burak set for himself a much more ambitious goal of surveying the whole waterfront of Russia television and radio programs, not just the several leading channels and programs which I consult. His ‘visionaries’ are academics or public intellectuals who appear on some of the programs that I watch as well as on many others. They are not all deep thinkers, to be sure, but they are widely listened to. What he provides in his book are extensive quotations from what they say on television and radio. Hence, his subtitle, ‘direct speech.’ The book is a gold mine for students of Russian social and intellectual history.

I am looking to make a small contribution to his next book, which will be a collection of essays by several authors. The chapter which I am just beginning to write will take Burak’s exploration of the formation of Russia’s national identity into the period of the war in and about Ukraine that began in February 2022 and is still ongoing.

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I have always been skeptical of those who identify one or another person as being a close friend of Vladimir Putin and/or exerting some powerful influence on him. This is a kind of hobby among so-called experts on Russia in the West who generally know very little about the country and still less about its president.

However, sometimes there is a grain of truth in the suggested influences.  I for a long time dismissed the intellectual powers and possible influence on Putin of the philosopher-academic Alexander Dugin. Indeed, ten or more years ago Dugin’s Eurasianism looked like innocent quackery. No more. It is indisputable today that some elements of the Eurasianist world view have entered into Russian foreign and economic policies as held and practiced by Vladimir Putin. It would also appear from the recently issued edict on relaxed entry requirements for Westerners seeking to settle in Russia that the ‘Noah’s Ark’ concept has been accepted by Vladimir Vladimirovich himself, and for that reason will be pushed through bureaucratic resistance to achieve realization. Lord knows that Russia is big enough to find attractive space and occupations in its European heartland where infrastructure and quality of life is very high, without sending the newcomers to its more remote and challenging territories East of the Urals.

In this regard, I will be looking more closely for how what is said on the talk shows by the chattering classes not only sets limits to what the country’s president can do but also influences in a more positive way his approach to the business of running Russia.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Russland als „Arche Noah“ für Menschen aus dem Westen, die Zuflucht vor den Auswüchsen der „liberalen Demokratie“ und des „Transhumanismus“ suchen

In den letzten Wochen habe ich mehrere Nachrichten von Lesern dieser Seiten erhalten, die mich um Ratschläge bezüglich der Aussichten für eine Umsiedlung nach Russland mit ihren Familien gebeten haben. Sie spielten alle auf einen kürzlich von Wladimir Putin unterzeichneten Präsidialerlass an, der Ausländern, die Zuflucht vor den inakzeptablen abweichenden Werten suchen, die den Bürgern in ihren Heimatländern von der dortigen Avantgarde der „fortschrittlichen Menschheit“ aufgezwungen werden, ein herzliches Willkommen bietet. Die Verbreitung von LGBTQ+-Propaganda unter Jugendlichen, Geschlechtsumwandlungsoperationen bei Minderjährigen ohne Zustimmung der Eltern, Lehrer an öffentlichen Schulen, die mit den Schülern über deren Sexualleben diskutieren (wie es der demokratische Vizepräsidentschaftskandidat Tim Walz in seiner Zeit als Lehrer offenbar getan hat): All diese monströsen neuen „Werte“ kann man, so scheint es, hinter sich lassen, wenn man sich in Russland niederlässt, wo traditionelle Familienwerte und christliche Spiritualität von der Regierung, der orthodoxen Kirche und der Zivilgesellschaft voll unterstützt werden.

Ich muss zugeben, dass ich in meinen Antworten an diese hoffnungsvollen und inspirierten Möchtegern-Siedler in Russland ziemlich mürrisch war. Ich habe ihnen erklärt, dass Russland in den letzten Jahrzehnten Millionen seiner eigenen Landsleute, die nach der Auflösung der UdSSR als Bürger zweiter Klasse in den ehemaligen Republiken der UdSSR gestrandet waren, überhaupt nicht willkommen geheißen hat, ganz zu schweigen von Antragstellern aus anderen Ländern und anderen Ethnien. Erst in jüngster Zeit ist Russland von dieser Regel abgewichen, indem es russischsprachigen Menschen in der Ukraine freiwillig Pässe ausgestellt und sie bei ihrer Umsiedlung unterstützt hat. Dementsprechend war ich skeptisch, dass die von oben beschlossene, gut gemeinte Änderung der Visums- und Auswanderungsverfahren für Westler auf der Arbeitsebene der russischen Bürokratie ordnungsgemäß umgesetzt werden würde.

Der Erlass erschien mir wie ein PR-Gag, eine Laune von jemandem aus dem Umfeld des Präsidenten, der von der täglichen Arbeit in den für die Ausstellung von Visa und die Bearbeitung von Aufenthaltsgenehmigungen zuständigen Ministerien weit entfernt ist. An dieser Ansicht hielt ich noch heute Morgen fest, als ich die Ankündigung der Sprecherin des russischen Außenministeriums, Maria Sacharowa, las, dass bereits mehrere Tausend Europäer Anträge gestellt haben, um von den Bedingungen des Erlasses Gebrauch zu machen.

Als ich jedoch heute Abend zufällig die Hintergründe der dem Erlass zugrunde liegenden Ideen las, änderte sich meine Meinung über die wahrscheinliche Umsetzung des Erlasses um 180 Grad. Was ich hier sehe, ist genau die Umsetzung der Vision von Russland als „Arche Noah“ für die Träger traditioneller christlicher, traditioneller europäischer Werte, die bereits 2008 im Rahmen der Suche nach einer russischen nationalen Identität formuliert wurde, die mit der Auflösung der Sowjetunion begann und die man heute als ein noch unvollendetes, aber im Wesentlichen fertiggestelltes Bauwerk bezeichnen kann.

Im Folgenden werde ich zunächst einige Absätze aus der Formulierung des Konzepts der „Arche Noah“ für Russland im Jahr 2008 zitieren. Dann werde ich etwas über das Buch erzählen, in dem ich diese Absätze gefunden habe, über den Autor des Buches und über meine wahrscheinliche Verbindung zu ihm und seinem Werk. Ich schließe mit einer Bemerkung darüber, was all dies über das Vorhandensein oder Nichtvorhandensein von Einfluss auf das Denken des russischen Präsidenten Wladimir Putin durch diejenigen aussagt, die der Autor des fraglichen Buches als Russlands „Visionäre“ bezeichnet.

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Ausgewählte Passagen über die Ursprünge des Konzepts der „Arche Noah“ zur Beschreibung von Russlands besonderer Mission in der Welt:

Zitat

Der Präsident von Russian Entrepreneur und derzeitiges Mitglied des Izborsk Club, Sergey Pisarev, war der erste, der 2008 die Idee vorgetragen und seitdem weiterentwickelt hat, dass Russland in einzigartiger Weise in der Lage ist, ein globaler Zufluchtsort und Schutzraum (die russische Arche oder Arche Russland) für all diejenigen zu werden, die sich weigern, sich dem entmenschlichenden Druck der neoliberalen („transhumanistischen“) Ideologie zu unterwerfen.

Pisarev zufolge kann Russland die schwierige Wahl zwischen Entwürdigung und kreativer Selbstverwirklichung lösen, indem es zu einem Zufluchtsort für Anhänger traditioneller moralisch-ethischer und familiärer Werte wird. Ähnlich wie die Arche Noah „kann es diejenigen retten, die unsere Zivilisation bewahren wollen, die von den trüben Fluten der Niedertracht, der Amoralität, der ‚Fake News‘ und der zynischen rohen Gewalt überrollt wird. Russland könnte eine Gesellschaft werden, in der die Menschen nach natürlichen moralisch-ethischen Gesetzen unter einem sozialen System leben, das einer natürlich stehenden – und nicht einer umgekehrten – Pyramide ähnelt.

Der Hauptunterschied und -vorteil der russischen Zivilisation gegenüber derjenigen der sich selbst als liberal-demokratisch bezeichnenden Gesellschaften liegt in der tiefen Spiritualität und Tradition Russlands. Die russische Gesellschaft lässt sich als eine sicher stehende hierarchische Pyramide darstellen, mit Gott (Monarch, Präsident) an der Spitze, dem Staatsapparat als nächsttieferer Ebene und der Gesellschaft, bestehend aus Privatpersonen, als Basis. Die westliche Gesellschaft lässt sich durch eine „umgekehrte Pyramide“ darstellen, die in erster Linie auf dem Individuum in seinem/ihrem unerbittlichen Streben nach Gewinn und Vergnügen basiert. Das Individuum ist die Nummer eins – das A und O aller gesellschaftlichen Prozesse; die persönlichen Rechte und Freiheiten des Privatmenschen müssen vom Staat unter Ausschluss jeglicher geistiger Werte bedient werden, mit Ausnahme der dünn verstreuten, atomisierten Werte, die nicht zum Gemeinwohl beitragen. Im russischen Modell unterstützt die Gesellschaft (die Individuen) den Staat. Im westlichen Modell existiert der Staat, um die privaten Vorlieben des Einzelnen zu befriedigen. Nach der bürgerlichen Konterrevolution von 1991 hat der „liberal-demokratische, zivilisierte Westen“ besonders aktiv versucht, dieses letztere Gesellschaftsmodell auch Russland aufzudrängen. Russland rebelliert und treibt die „freie Welt“ in die sprichwörtliche Enge. Die Ideologie „Russland als neue Arche Noah“ ist eine Folge dieser Rebellion.

Zitat Ende

Die Quelle für diese Passagen ist Russia’s Visionaries: Direct Speech von Alexander Burak, das 2020 bei Cambridge Scholars Publishing (U.K.) erscheint und bei Amazon als Taschenbuch und gebundene Ausgabe erhältlich ist. Burak ist außerordentlicher Professor für Russisch an der Universität von Florida.

Wie meine Leser wissen, bin ich vielleicht der einzige amerikanische oder europäische Kommentator der gegenwärtigen internationalen Beziehungen Russlands, der ausgiebig auf offene Quellen in den russischen Medien zurückgreift, insbesondere in den Nachrichtensendungen und politischen Talkshows des staatlichen Fernsehens. Und da die Russische Föderation im Gegensatz zur Sowjetunion eine offene Gesellschaft mit relativ wenig Zensur ist (eine Tatsache, die von ihren aggressiveren Nationalisten beklagt wird), kann man viel aus dem lernen, was man in der dortigen Presse sieht, ohne „zwischen den Zeilen lesen“ zu müssen.

Unter den Journalisten und Experten scheine ich das oben erwähnte Feld für mich allein zu haben, da anderen Kommentatoren die Sprachkenntnisse fehlen, um die reichhaltigen Informationen zu nutzen, die in der russischen Öffentlichkeit zu finden sind. Und bedauerlicherweise scheinen die russischen Medien den potenziellen Wert für ihr nationales Interesse einfach nicht zu erkennen, wenn ihre führenden Fernsehprogramme mit englischer Sprachausgabe oder Untertiteln ins Internet gestellt würden.

Professor Burak hat sich jedoch ein viel ehrgeizigeres Ziel gesetzt, nämlich die gesamte Palette der russischen Fernseh- und Radioprogramme zu untersuchen, und nicht nur einige der führenden Kanäle und Programme, die ich konsultiere. Bei seinen „Visionären“ handelt es sich um Akademiker oder öffentliche Intellektuelle, die in einigen der von mir gesehenen Programme sowie in vielen anderen auftreten. Sie sind zwar nicht alle tiefgründige Denker, aber sie finden viel Gehör. Was er in seinem Buch liefert, sind ausführliche Zitate aus ihren Fernseh- und Radiosendungen. Daher auch sein Untertitel: „Direkte Rede“. Das Buch ist eine wahre Fundgrube für Studenten der russischen Sozial- und Geistesgeschichte.

Ich bin bestrebt, einen kleinen Beitrag zu seinem nächsten Buch zu leisten, das eine Sammlung von Aufsätzen von mehreren Autoren sein wird. Das Kapitel, das ich gerade zu schreiben beginne, wird Buraks Erforschung der Herausbildung der nationalen Identität Russlands in der Zeit des Krieges in und um die Ukraine enthalten, die im Februar 2022 begann und noch andauert.

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Ich war schon immer skeptisch gegenüber denjenigen, die die eine oder andere Person als engen Freund von Wladimir Putin und/oder als jemanden bezeichnen, der einen starken Einfluss auf ihn ausübt. Dies ist eine Art Hobby der so genannten Russlandexperten im Westen, die im Allgemeinen sehr wenig über das Land und noch weniger über seinen Präsidenten wissen.

Manchmal ist an den vermuteten Einflüssen jedoch ein Körnchen Wahrheit dran. Ich habe lange Zeit die intellektuellen Fähigkeiten und den möglichen Einfluss des Philosophen und Akademikers Alexander Dugin auf Putin abgetan. In der Tat sah Dugins Eurasianismus vor zehn oder mehr Jahren wie eine unschuldige Quacksalberei aus. Jetzt nicht mehr. Es ist heute unbestreitbar, dass einige Elemente der eurasischen Weltanschauung in die russische Außen- und Wirtschaftspolitik, wie sie von Wladimir Putin vertreten und praktiziert wird, eingegangen sind. Auch der kürzlich erlassene Erlass über gelockerte Einreisebestimmungen für Westler, die sich in Russland niederlassen wollen, deutet darauf hin, dass das Konzept der „Arche Noah“ von Wladimir Wladimirowitsch selbst akzeptiert wurde und deshalb gegen bürokratische Widerstände durchgesetzt werden wird. Gott weiß, dass Russland groß genug ist, um in seinem europäischen Kernland, wo die Infrastruktur und die Lebensqualität sehr hoch sind, attraktiven Raum und Beschäftigungen zu finden, ohne die Neuankömmlinge in seine abgelegeneren und schwierigeren Gebiete östlich des Urals zu schicken.

In dieser Hinsicht werde ich genauer darauf achten, wie das, was in den Talkshows von den Diskutanten gesagt wird, nicht nur dem Präsidenten des Landes Grenzen setzt, sondern auch seine Herangehensweise an das Geschäft der Führung Russlands positiv beeinflusst.

Pressure from Russians on Vladimir Putin to escalate?

In my latest chat with Judge Andrew Napolitano on his program Judging Freedom this past Thursday, I made an off-the-cuff answer to his question about whether Russian society is pressuring Vladimir Putin to be more cruel, more dramatic, more effective in responding to provocations engineered by the West, the most recent example of which is the invasion of the RF province of Kursk by Ukrainian forces.

The show has come and gone but while I was perusing the last, 18 August show of Sunday evening with Vladimir Solovyov before the host went off on summer vacation, I heard a very authoritative answer to Judge Napolitano’s question from, shall we say, “the horse’s mouth.”

https://smotrim.ru/video/2851978

Solovyov is at the apex of Russian journalism and has close ties to the Kremlin. Over time, he has conducted several lengthy interviews with President Putin. Therefore what he said on air in his characterization of Putin’s decision making processes in times of crisis, like in the aftermath of the Ukrainian incursion/invasion of the Kursk province, may be taken to be very well informed.

Said Solovyov:  “Our Commander in Chief does not submit to either outside pressure or to his own emotions.”  Solovyov insists that Putin’s decisions are made in an absolutely rational way. One might say in an autocratic manner, if we use the original meaning of that word to be self-reliant and independent.

Political talk shows generally do not age well, given that the assumptions of the day rest on ever changing circumstances. However, to my surprise, I found the 18 August edition of Sunday Evening with Vladimir Solovyov to be very useful for coming to terms with a number of other issues surrounding the invasion of Kursk and the Russian response that have developed in the six days since it was aired..

I will set these observations out first and then move on to discuss briefly how and why the Solovyov show differs from the other authoritative state television talk show, The Great Game, which I have used these past several weeks as my principal source of information about Russia’s chattering classes, who are concentrated in the capital and form whatever forces of domestic political pressure may be said to exist with respect to Kremlin policy.

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One of the most valuable insights that I found in the typically long introductory remarks of host Vladimir Solovyov before he turned the microphone over to his guests was a direct answer to the question that several interviewers have posed to me in the past week: namely what were the objectives of the Ukrainian raid into, later invasion of the Kursk province.

I have answered this question by saying that the accounts of Kiev’s objectives have been constantly changing if you take President Zelensky’s words as having any substance to them. We have heard most recently that they wanted to capture some RF territory that might be used to compel the Russians to give back some of the Ukrainian land they have occupied since the start of the Special Military Operation. Thus, the aim is said to have been to prepare for peace talks on a ‘fair basis.’

However, Solovyov presented a different story, one which he surely received from senior officials in the Russian military with whom he is in close contact. He said that the main objective of the invaders had been to capture the nuclear power plant in Kursk, situated perhaps 70 km in from the border.

If the Ukrainians had succeeded on that mission, they would indeed have improved their overall chances of bringing the Russians to the peace table on more favorable terms to themselves.  And this logic of their mission is confirmed by the large concentration of the most modern NATO tanks (British Challenger 2) and other heavy equipment appropriate to an irresistible cut through Russian defenses to their target. That equipment was certainly not brought together for the sake of taking and holding the thinly populated farm country which is the predominant character of the 1,000 square kilometers along the Kursk-Ukraine border that the Kiev forces have occupied since the first days of the incursion.

Indeed, the Russians, who were taken by surprise, did scramble to bring to bear their overwhelming air domination and artillery plus drone forces to stop the Ukrainians in their tracks before they got more than 15 km or so inland in Kursk from the international border. They have, by all accounts, utterly destroyed all of the NATO equipment used by the invaders, so that the survivors, i.e., the 7,000 from the initial 12,000 who are still breathing, are scattered in small groups operating on foot and awaiting their extermination or opportunity to surrender, which are sure to come in the days ahead. Their escape routes west, across the border, have been sealed by the Russians.

 By evacuating all the civilian population, Russia made the entire territory of the Ukrainian occupation a free fire zone, thus depriving Kiev’s forces of shelter in residential houses that they enjoy in the territory upon which the Russians are advancing along the main line of confrontation in Donetsk.

Like Napoleon’s forces which took Moscow in 1812, the Ukrainians in Kursk have degenerated from elite brigades into armed marauders breaking into houses to steal and machine-gunning any civilians who were foolish enough not to heed Moscow’s evacuation orders. We know that from the testimony of some evacuees before Russian television war reporters. Of course, not everyone got out in time, and we heard today about a heavily pregnant Russian woman who was wantonly murdered in the hospital where she lived by the invaders.

We are told by Russian military spokesmen that the toll on the Ukrainian forces in Kursk this past week has been around 2,000. That is a high proportion of the contingent fighting in Kursk. But it is a small part of overall Ukrainian losses on the battlefield in the past 7 days, which these same Russian spokesmen put at 16,000.   Sixteen thousand! This very high number results directly from losses on the main line of confrontation, in Donetsk, and particularly around the city of Pokrovsk, losses which rose precisely because the most capable Ukrainian defenders there were shipped out to Kursk and their places were taken by new conscripts, many of whom were dragooned off the streets of Kiev and elsewhere and given very little training before they were handed their rifles and delivered to the front.

Finally, a word must be addressed to the fate of the surviving foreign troops now engaged in Kursk should they be taken alive by the Russians. As some of my colleagues have said on air in latest interviews, these ‘mercenaries’ will not be dealt with in the same manner as any Ukrainian POWs. They will not be exchanged for Russian soldiers held by the Ukrainians. By international law they do not enjoy the same protection as regular troops.  Some of my peers have said these mercenaries will be executed by the Russians.  At this moment, that is not true. Russia still has an official moratorium on the death penalty. However, there is currently discussion in the Duma of a bill which would remove the protection of this moratorium from captured foreign fighters.

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There are important differences between the talk shows hosted by Russia’s top journalist Vladimir Solovyov and the talk show hosted by Duma member Vyacheslav Nikonov (The Great Game).

I have not listened to Solovyov for a while because he is an aggressive nationalist, because he takes too much pleasure speaking ersatz German as if every German politician is a practitioner of Hitler’s histrionics, because he is often a bully with his panelists, using some as punching bags, and because he interrupts them, takes them off subject all too often.

However, in his favor, some of his guests are to be seen only on his show. I have in mind chairmen and deputy chairs of key Duma committees such as Finance, Taxation and Defense. He also presents Duma members from the Communist Party, from the Liberal Democrats, and independents, which is a great service to those of us who are interested in the role given to the Duma ‘fractions’ outside of the governing United Russia party. And he has very highly regarded military men, retired colonels who are also prominent in the Duma. In this last category, I would name Andrei Gurulyov, whose views I have occasionally quoted on these pages.

By contrast, Nikonov is very much the gentlemen. He never interrupts his guests. He never puts forward extravagant views or reads lectures to his audience. This is not to say that he does not deliver to his audience clearly articulated views on key subjects of the day, often in a drole manner. I think, for example, of his remarks following presentation on screen of the latest antics at the Democratic National Convention. He pointed out at some length the procedures by which Kamela Harris was anointed as the party’s candidate without ever having won a primary or won a single delegate for that matter. He did not shrink from saying this was a flagrant violation of all principles of democracy. He put up on screen some of the points in her radical economic program such as measures against price gouging.  And he concluded that the Kremlin definitely favors Kamala Harris in the election because she and her policies will continue and accelerate America’s precipitate decline as a world economic and military power.

The panelists on The Great Game tend to be think tank senior personnel, pundits and representatives of civil society NGOs, not politicians.  That being said, many of the think tank spokesmen and academics are exactly the same people who appear regularly on Vladimir Solovyov’s shows.  That conforms to the tradition of Russian political talk shows that I witnessed back in 2016 when I was an invited guest on several of them. There were always these ‘experts’ who seemed to spend their entire days going from one television studio to another to take part in the discussions of current events.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Machen die Russen Druck auf Wladimir Putin zur Eskalation?

In meinem letzten Gespräch mit Judge Andrew Napolitano in seiner Sendung „Judging Freedom“ am vergangenen Donnerstag habe ich aus dem Stegreif auf seine Frage geantwortet, ob die russische Gesellschaft Wladimir Putin unter Druck setzt, grausamer, dramatischer und effektiver auf die Provokationen des Westens zu reagieren, deren jüngstes Beispiel der Einmarsch ukrainischer Truppen in die russische Provinz Kursk ist.

Die Sendung ist vorbei, aber als ich mir die letzte Sonntagabendsendung mit Wladimir Solowjow vom 18. August angeschaut habe, bevor der Moderator in den Sommerurlaub gegangen ist, hörte ich eine sehr überzeugende Antwort auf die Frage von Judge Napolitano aus, sagen wir, „berufenem Munde“.

https://smotrim.ru/video/2851978

Solowjow steht an der Spitze des russischen Journalismus und hat enge Verbindungen zum Kreml. Im Laufe der Zeit hat er mehrere ausführliche Interviews mit Präsident Putin geführt. Was er in der Sendung über Putins Entscheidungsprozesse in Krisenzeiten, wie nach dem ukrainischen Einmarsch in der Provinz Kursk, sagt, kann daher als sehr gut informiert angesehen werden.

Solowjow sagte: „Unser Oberbefehlshaber beugt sich weder dem Druck von außen noch seinen eigenen Emotionen.“ Solowjow besteht darauf, dass Putins Entscheidungen absolut rational getroffen werden. Man könnte sagen, auf autokratische Art und Weise, wenn man die ursprüngliche Bedeutung dieses Wortes verwendet, nämlich selbständig und unabhängig zu sein.

Politische Talkshows altern im Allgemeinen nicht, da die Annahmen des Tages auf ständig wechselnden Umständen beruhen. Zu meiner Überraschung fand ich jedoch die Ausgabe vom 18. August des Sonntagsabends mit Wladimir Solowjow sehr nützlich, um sich mit einer Reihe anderer Fragen im Zusammenhang mit der Invasion von Kursk und der russischen Reaktion darauf auseinanderzusetzen, die sich in den sechs Tagen seit der Ausstrahlung der Sendung entwickelt haben.

Ich werde diese Beobachtungen zunächst darlegen und dann kurz erörtern, wie und warum sich die Solowjow-Sendung von der anderen maßgeblichen Talkshow des staatlichen Fernsehens, „Das grosse Spiel“, unterscheidet, die ich in den letzten Wochen als meine Hauptinformationsquelle über die Diskussionen von Menschen in Russland genutzt habe, die in der Hauptstadt konzentriert sind und die Kräfte bilden, von denen man sagen kann, dass sie innenpolitischen Druck auf die Politik des Kremls ausüben.

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Eine der wertvollsten Erkenntnisse, die ich in den typischerweise langen einleitenden Bemerkungen des Gastgebers Wladimir Solowjow fand, bevor er das Mikrofon an seine Gäste übergab, war eine direkte Antwort auf die Frage, die mir in der vergangenen Woche von mehreren Interviewern gestellt wurde: nämlich was die Ziele des ukrainischen Überfalls auf die Provinz Kursk und der späteren Invasion waren.

Ich habe diese Frage damit beantwortet, dass sich die Darstellungen der Ziele Kiews ständig geändert haben, wenn man den Worten von Präsident Zelensky Glauben schenkt. Zuletzt hieß es, man wolle einige Gebiete der Russischen Föderation erobern, um die Russen zu zwingen, einen Teil der ukrainischen Gebiete zurückzugeben, die sie seit Beginn der militärischen Sonderoperation besetzt haben. Das Ziel soll also die Vorbereitung von Friedensgesprächen auf einer „fairen Basis“ gewesen sein.

Solowjow präsentierte jedoch eine andere Geschichte, die er sicherlich von hohen Beamten des russischen Militärs erhalten hat, mit denen er in engem Kontakt steht. Er sagte, das Hauptziel der Angreifer sei die Einnahme des Kernkraftwerks in Kursk gewesen, das etwa 70 km von der Grenze entfernt liegt.

Wäre den Ukrainern diese Mission gelungen, hätten sie in der Tat ihre allgemeinen Chancen verbessert, die Russen zu für sie günstigeren Bedingungen an den Verhandlungstisch zu bringen. Und diese Logik ihrer Mission wird durch die große Konzentration der modernsten NATO-Panzer (britische Challenger 2) und anderer schwerer Ausrüstung bestätigt, die für einen unwiderstehlichen Schnitt durch die russische Verteidigung zu ihrem Ziel geeignet ist. Diese Ausrüstung wurde sicherlich nicht zusammengetragen, um das dünn besiedelte Agrarland einzunehmen und zu halten, das den überwiegenden Charakter der 1.000 Quadratkilometer entlang der Grenze zwischen Kursk und der Ukraine ausmacht, die die Kiewer Streitkräfte seit den ersten Tagen des Einmarsches besetzt haben.

In der Tat haben die überraschten Russen ihre überwältigende Luftherrschaft, ihre Artillerie und ihre Drohnen eingesetzt, um die Ukrainer zu stoppen, bevor sie mehr als 15 km landeinwärts in Kursk von der internationalen Grenze entfernt waren. Nach allem, was man hört, haben sie die gesamte NATO-Ausrüstung, die von den Angreifern benutzt wurde, vollständig zerstört, so dass die Überlebenden, d.h. die 7.000 von den ursprünglich 12.000, die noch atmen, in kleinen Gruppen verstreut sind, die zu Fuß unterwegs sind und auf ihre Vernichtung oder die Gelegenheit zur Kapitulation warten, die in den kommenden Tagen sicher kommen wird. Ihre Fluchtwege nach Westen, über die Grenze, sind von den Russen versiegelt worden.

Durch die Evakuierung der gesamten Zivilbevölkerung hat Russland das gesamte Gebiet der ukrainischen Besatzung zu einer Zone mit freiem Schussfeld gemacht und damit den Kiewer Streitkräften den Schutz in Wohnhäusern genommen, den sie in dem Gebiet genießen, auf das die Russen entlang der Hauptkonfrontationslinie in Donezk vorrücken.

Wie Napoleons Truppen, die 1812 Moskau einnahmen, sind die Ukrainer in Kursk von Elitebrigaden zu bewaffneten Marodeuren verkommen, die in Häuser einbrechen, um zu stehlen, und mit Maschinengewehren auf Zivilisten schießen, die dumm genug waren, Moskaus Evakuierungsbefehl nicht zu befolgen. Das wissen wir aus den Aussagen einiger Evakuierter vor Kriegsreportern des russischen Fernsehens. Natürlich konnten nicht alle rechtzeitig fliehen, und wir haben heute von einer hochschwangeren Russin gehört, die in dem Krankenhaus, in dem sie lebte, von den Invasoren mutwillig ermordet wurde.

Russischen Militärsprechern zufolge haben die ukrainischen Streitkräfte in Kursk in der vergangenen Woche etwa 2.000 Tote zu beklagen. Das ist ein hoher Anteil des in Kursk kämpfenden Kontingents. Aber es ist nur ein kleiner Teil der gesamten ukrainischen Verluste auf dem Schlachtfeld in den letzten 7 Tagen, die von denselben russischen Sprechern mit 16.000 angegeben werden. Sechzehntausend! Diese sehr hohe Zahl ergibt sich unmittelbar aus den Verlusten an der Hauptkampflinie, in Donezk und insbesondere um die Stadt Pokrowsk, Verluste, die gerade deshalb anstiegen, weil die fähigsten ukrainischen Verteidiger von dort nach Kursk verlegt wurden und ihre Plätze von neuen Wehrpflichtigen eingenommen wurden, von denen viele von den Straßen Kiews und anderswo weggeschleppt wurden und nur eine sehr geringe Ausbildung erhielten, bevor sie ihre Gewehre erhielten und an die Front geschickt wurden.

Abschließend noch ein Wort zum Schicksal der überlebenden ausländischen Soldaten, die jetzt in Kursk im Einsatz sind, falls sie von den Russen lebend gefangen genommen werden. Wie einige meiner Kollegen in den letzten Interviews gesagt haben, werden diese „Söldner“ nicht wie ukrainische Kriegsgefangene behandelt werden. Sie werden nicht gegen russische Soldaten ausgetauscht, die von den Ukrainern festgehalten werden. Nach internationalem Recht genießen sie nicht denselben Schutz wie reguläre Soldaten. Einige meiner Kollegen haben gesagt, diese Söldner würden von den Russen hingerichtet. Im Moment ist das nicht der Fall. In Russland gilt noch ein offizielles Moratorium für die Todesstrafe. Allerdings wird derzeit in der Duma ein Gesetzentwurf diskutiert, der den Schutz dieses Moratoriums für gefangene ausländische Kämpfer aufheben würde.

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Es gibt wichtige Unterschiede zwischen den Talkshows des russischen Spitzenjournalisten Wladimir Solowjow und der Talkshow des Duma-Mitglieds Wjatscheslaw Nikonow (Das große Spiel).

Ich habe Solowjow eine Zeit lang nicht mehr zugehört, weil er ein aggressiver Nationalist ist, weil er zu viel Freude daran hat, Ersatzdeutsch zu sprechen, als ob jeder deutsche Politiker ein Anhänger von Hitlers Histrionik wäre, weil er seine Gesprächspartner oft schikaniert und einige als Boxsäcke benutzt, und weil er sie zu oft unterbricht und vom Thema ablenkt.

Für ihn spricht jedoch, dass einige seiner Gäste nur in seiner Sendung zu sehen sind. Ich denke dabei an die Vorsitzenden und stellvertretenden Vorsitzenden der wichtigsten Duma-Ausschüsse wie Finanzen, Steuern und Verteidigung. Er stellt auch Duma-Mitglieder der Kommunistischen Partei, der Liberaldemokraten und Unabhängige vor, was für diejenigen von uns, die sich für die Rolle der Duma-„Fraktionen“ außerhalb der Regierungspartei „Einiges Russland“ interessieren, ein großer Dienst ist. Und er präsentiert sehr angesehene Militärs, Oberste im Ruhestand, die ebenfalls in der Duma eine wichtige Rolle spielen. In dieser letzten Kategorie möchte ich Andrei Guruljow nennen, dessen Ansichten ich auf diesen Seiten gelegentlich zitiert habe.

Im Gegensatz dazu ist Nikonov eher ein Gentleman. Er unterbricht seine Gäste nie. Er vertritt keine extravaganten Ansichten und hält seinen Zuhörern keine Vorträge. Das soll nicht heißen, dass er seinem Publikum nicht klar artikulierte Ansichten zu den wichtigsten Themen des Tages vorträgt, und das oft auf eine lockere Art. Ich denke da zum Beispiel an seine Bemerkungen, nachdem er die jüngsten Possen auf dem Parteitag der Demokraten auf dem Bildschirm gezeigt hatte. Er wies ausführlich auf die Verfahren hin, durch die Kamela Harris zur Kandidatin der Partei ernannt wurde, ohne jemals eine Vorwahl gewonnen oder auch nur einen einzigen Delegierten gewonnen zu haben. Er scheute nicht davor zurück, dies als eklatanten Verstoß gegen alle Grundsätze der Demokratie zu bezeichnen. Er zeigte einige Punkte ihres radikalen Wirtschaftsprogramms, wie z.B. Maßnahmen gegen die Preistreiberei, auf dem Bildschirm. Und er kam zu dem Schluss, dass der Kreml Kamala Harris bei der Wahl eindeutig favorisiert, weil sie und ihre Politik den rapiden Niedergang Amerikas als wirtschaftliche und militärische Weltmacht fortsetzen und beschleunigen werden.

Die Diskussionsteilnehmer in Das grosse Spiel sind in der Regel leitende Mitarbeiter von Denkfabriken, Experten und Vertreter von NGOs der Zivilgesellschaft, keine Politiker. Allerdings sind viele der Sprecher von Denkfabriken und Akademiker genau die gleichen Personen, die regelmäßig in Wladimir Solowjows Sendungen auftreten. Das entspricht der Tradition russischer politischer Talkshows, die ich im Jahr 2016 miterlebt habe, als ich in mehreren von ihnen zu Gast war. Es gab immer diese „Experten“, die ihren ganzen Tag damit zu verbringen schienen, von einem Fernsehstudio zum anderen zu gehen, um an den Diskussionen über aktuelle Ereignisse teilzunehmen.

‘Judging Freedom’ resumes on youtube.com: today’s chat with Judge Andrew Napolitano

After spending a week in the ‘penalty box,’ Judging Freedom is now once again back on youtube.com and is operating at full power, as anyone looking at their outstanding list of interviewees today will understand at once.  I am pleased to present the link to my own half-hour with The Judge in a discussion that focuses on the Kursk Operation, otherwise known in Russia as the NATO invasion of their country.

See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e6s6k7r0lbs

The to-and-fro of this discussion was very useful to elucidate features of the ongoing fighting in Kursk that surely confuse many consumers of major media reporting, as well as consumers of alternative media reporting. I have in mind such questions as why the Russians did not anticipate the invasion and protect themselves better against it; whether the United States was the guiding hand behind the Ukrainian forces move into Kursk or was it, for example, the United Kingdom; were the 200,000 Russians who have had to leave their homes in the territory of Kursk now occupied by Ukrainians ‘expelled’ or ‘evacuated’ by their government in consideration of the methods it will use to vanquish the Ukrainians; and how long it will take before the Ukrainian invasion is totally quelled by Russian armed forces.

I used the opportunity to express my disagreement with the confident remarks of some of my peers in the Opposition, who insist that President Putin would never use tactical nuclear weapons first against the Ukrainians or NATO countries however many ‘red lines’ they cross.

Transcript submitted by a reader below followed by translation into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Transcription below by a reader

Judge Andrew Napolitano: 0:33
Hi, everyone, Judge Andrew Napolitano here for Judging Freedom. Today is Thursday, August 22nd, 2024. Professor Gilbert Doctorow will be here in just a moment on who or what invaded Russia.

2:04
Professor Doctorow, my dear friend, welcome back to the show. Who or what invaded Russia at Kursk?

Doctorow:
I think I understand your question to be: is it Ukrainians alone? Is it, as the Russians are saying, a NATO invasion of their country? And yes–

Napolitano:
And just to add a third part to that question for your very smart brain, was the United States behind it?

That is also a subject of conjecture. I think there is a significant feeling among expert commentators that the lead has been taken by the United Kingdom. And so although the United States would be in the background, I think in the foreground you have UK. And the new Labour government has been particularly active to demonstrate its key leadership position in the global West. They’re not just acting as lapdogs following what the United States tells them to do, they’re running well ahead of what the United States would do by itself. And there may be a conflict in the background between the British and the Americans because this latest move, which I understand also from Russian analysis, who also point a finger at the United Kingdom, that the possible blowback in terms of the United States is very real.

3:49
The Russians consider this an invasion. And that has changed the nature of the war, the psychology within Russia has changed by that fact. “It’s not simply that we’re fighting on a new 160-kilometer line of confrontation with the Ukrainians, but we’re fighting it on our own territory.” And Russia has been, as the major media have said, has not experienced a foreign invasion of its territory since World War II. So this is a new situation. The proxy war is a very thin fig leaf for the presence of NATO advisors, both in the background by remote control of operations in Kursk, and on the ground in terms of advisors and trainers and technicians who are operating some of the more sophisticated equipment. All of these different facets of the Kursk operation changed the nature of the war as seen from Moscow.

Napolitano: 5:02
What actually happened? I mean, can you describe what took place? Do we know how many Western troops entered the country and how did they get there? I mean, stated differently, was this a Ukrainian invasion or a Russian failure?

Dotorow:
That’s very difficult to answer. Of course, there are open questions why the Russians didn’t see this coming. Or, I think, let’s refine that a little bit. I understand that the Russian military intelligence did see this coming. It was, it is said to have been a decision at the top level, at the head of their Joint chiefs of staff, that the decision was taken that this was not a serious threat, it was a rumor, it was– or it was such a cockeyed idea, that it was not credible. And there’s no reason to make special provisions for it.

6:03
Whatever the actual thinking, a complete failure of military intelligence can be ruled out. It is a failure of judgment on the part of the very apex of the military command. And that means General Gerasimov. How long he will survive this bad judgment remains to be seen. I think the Russians, like most any other political and military leadership, are averse to removing key military commanders in the midst of operations. But I think that he is in the doghouse. The command of the Kursk operation was transferred from Gerasimov to a man who is described with some ridicule as Putin’s former main bodyguard or head of his security detail. But this is a man with considerable experience and considerable, not just loyalty of his boss, but experience in administration. And this seems to have been administrative failure, that they did not act on proper intelligence. We’ll see where this goes.

Napolitano: 7:22
I would like you to respond to Larry Johnson’s argument. And his argument goes like this. American intel planned this along with Ukrainian intel, American equipment was used, manned by American technicians, American ammunition was used to kill Russian soldiers, and we believe American human beings set foot into Russia as part of this incursion. Therefore, Larry concludes, America, the United States of America invaded Russia. Now as incendiary as that sounds, there’s nothing in the press about it. What does Gilbert Doctorow think about that?

Doctorow: 8:12
Look, there’s plenty of room for divergent opinions among experts because this is the fog of war. And let me just give you one little counter-argument. When I said the British are leads, some of the most fancy equipment that is being used are the Challenger 2 tanks from Britain. The British Prime Minister boasted about this a couple of days ago, that yes, we’ve sent in [these] wonderful game-changing tanks. That is probably the single biggest innovation in terms of equipment on the ground in this Kursk operation, compared to other places on the line of confrontation between Russia and Ukraine.

8:59
So– then another factor. Yes, American military [is] there, but I think the largest contingent out of what’s talked about as 2,000 foreign troops, mercenaries, whether they are actually members of the armed forces of NATO countries or they are– that have been seconded to Ukraine– whatever their actual technical situation is, we understand something like 2,000 out of the 11 or 12,000 men who have been deployed in the Kursk operation are, in fact, foreigners. And of that, I believe, the single biggest contingent is not Americans, not Brits, Poles. Poles and French. So–

Napolitano: 9:50
Are there Americans among that contingent, whether they’re intelligence agents, contractors, American military in somebody else’s uniform?

Doctorow:
Without a doubt. If the Russians were intent on declaring war on the United States, they have a casus belli. That we can assume. But it is not in the interest of the Kremlin at this point to do that. In point of fact, the present situation is being described in Kursk, is being described by major media as a war of attrition. Well, here we go. The war, the main battlefield is a war of attrition. And guess what? What the present standoff or fierce fighting, in fact, in Kursk is played out as a war of attrition.

10:46
The single biggest factor operating against the Ukrainians is they have no air cover. They’re doing what is normally done under NATO practice with air domination. Quite the contrary. These forces that are being sent in, all these wonderful Challenger 2 tanks and Bradleys and all the lovely armored cars for personnel that the United States has supplied, all of this is subject to helicopter attacks, not just artillery and not just drones, but helicopter attacks. Not to mention the use of these multi-tonne glide bombs that are being delivered by Russian bombers on the Ukrainian positions on the Ukrainian side of the border, on the Sumy [oblast] side of the border.

11:45
So, the situation that they have put themselves in is dire. If the West were to rush in all kinds of assistance tomorrow, then perhaps they could sustain themselves. But in the present conditions where significant support, either in men and materiel from the West to assist the operation in Kursk is not very likely.

Napolitano: 12:12
Are the invaders isolated? Have the Russians cut off their supply routes, whether it’s human beings, food, ammunition, from Ukraine?

Doctorow:
The single most important cutoff has been of fuel. One reader of my articles– because this is something I’ve mentioned in recent days in my blog pages– and one reader in the comments said, “Oh, but they can always use the gas stations that are in this, the Russian side of the border.” Well, I suppose if they have the right credit cards, if you know what I mean. That’s not going to take them very far. Fuel is a big issue.

Other supplies, of course. It is reasonable to assume that there is chaos on the Ukrainian side of the border because of the heavy bombing and heavy artillery strikes on all of their positions by the Russian forces from within the Russian Federation.

Napolitano: 13:19
And what strategic objectives might NATO have had by concocting and executing this incursion into Russian real estate?

Doctorow:
Well, the story has changed day by day as to what the real mission was. Mr. Zelensky has changed his storyline in several different explanations, each of which has been contrary to the realities on the ground, which make a mockery of his intentions. The latest one is whether it’s to – “We don’t want to keep this territory; we want to use it as a bargaining chip for negotiations.”

14:02
But as we know, the Kremlin has specifically ruled out any negotiations of any kind, because it considers this latest operation by what they call the neo-Nazi regime in Kiev to have crossed the final red line and to make this regime a party that they do not want to deal with. They want to see the regime change in Kiev before they open discussion with anybody.

Napolitano: 14:38
How has this, if at all, affected the movement, western movement towards the west of the main Russian military approaching the Dnieper River?

Doctorow:
Well, there’s some distance from the Dnieper River, at least in the area in the north. and they’re near the Dnieper River in the southwest. Kherson is on the Dnieper River. But the action is not taking around, is not going on in the south at Kherson. The main action remains in the Donetsk region, and that is nowhere near the Dnieper. Nonetheless, your point is very important. By depriving the defenders of the thousand-kilometer-long line of confrontation between Ukraine and Russia, of their best elite forces, their most war-experienced soldiers and most advanced equipment they received from the West– by depriving the line of confrontation at Donetsk of those very elements, they have weakened substantially their possibilities of resistance. And they have had no ability to dig in and to provide secure positions of defense as they are facing ever more ferocious Russian attackers in the Donetsk area. And precisely around the biggest fighting is over Pokrovsk. If you go back six months to a year every town in Ukraine that was under siege or under attack by the Russians was declared to be of no particular value and was only another example of the Russians supposedly throwing waves of soldiers to their deaths for the sake of gathering a few more square inches, if not meters, from the enemy.

16:44
That storyline has disappeared. You won’t see it anywhere in discussions of Kursk or of the present conflict as it is in Donetsk. Instead, we hear correctly in major media that Pokrovsk is a very important transportation nexus for Ukrainian supplies going from the west of Ukraine, from the main Ukraine territory to supply their front lines. So, the Russian conquest of Pokrovsk, which is probably a matter of some days from now, will be dealing a devastating blow to the logistics of supply for the whole Ukrainian army along that 1,000-kilometer-long frontier.

Napolitano: 17:34
Tell us, Professor Doctorow, about Russian media and how it is treating this. I think the Kremlin called it a CTO in English, a Counter Terrorist Operation. So what is a Counter Terrorist Operation? What is the media saying about it? I’m sorry for the triple question. And is there pressure on President Putin to come down with a heavy hand against the invaders?

Doctorow: 18:08
Let’s start with the last one, pressure. this question of what kind of pressure Mr. Putin is under in general from the Russian nation, from the Russian public to put a quick end to the war with Ukraine, I’d just like to dissect that. I think we’re talking about the chattering classes, we’re talking about politically engaged people, as there are in Russian society, as there are in every democratic country. That is not the whole people. The people at large are, I believe, are not as engaged, are not as focused on the day-to-day battle results, or on having revenge against the invaders.

19:07
So the pressure on Mr. Putin is from his circles in the Kremlin and in greater Moscow. That is where the influential people, politically influential people, are voicing on major media because they appear as guests. Who would I mean, “they appear”? That is to say, the heads of Duma committees, like Defense Committee, who happens to be a Communist, by the way, a Russian Communist Party of the Russian Federation. They appear on programs, or the two of them, that are most important for this. Either it’s Vladimir Solovyov’s “Evenings with [Solovyov]”, or it is “The Great Game” that has three presenters, the most significant of which is one Duma member, Vyacheslav Nikonov.

20:05
They have guests from the Duma, and not just rank-and-file Duma members, but of Duma committee chairmen, and particularly chairmen related to defense or other state security.

Napolitano:
Is there a consensus amongst this elite as to what they want President Putin to do?

Doctorow:
Consensus, no. Other than there is a certain discussion, which has been quite lively, over whether the they should have a nuclear strike against NATO forces. I’ve mentioned this in the past, whether or not F-16 bases, for example in Moldova, should be bombed. Should they bomb in Romania? Should they bomb in Germany, Wiesbaden, the new coordination center for all European military aid to Ukraine is about to be coordinated.

21:00
These questions are openly discussed, which is a very big move forward from a year ago when that type of talk was only among a very few ultra-nationalists. Now it is common currency among the more level-headed but strategically thinking Russian expert elites and politicians in the Duma. Whether or not this exerts pressure on Mr. Putin that he cannot resist, whether it in fact goes contrary to his gradualist approach or “softly, softly” approach, it’s too early to say.

21:46
But I reserve one point, and this is, I take a stand a bit different from some of my colleagues who say, “Ah, Mr. Putin would never do something violent. He would never do something like a nuclear strike.” I don’t agree. The Russian behavior throughout this war has been dictated by Western behavior. And if Russia senses an existential threat to its existence, which nuclear weapons or potentially nuclear-carrying missiles supplied to Ukraine by the United States would present them, as they say in Washington, all options are on the table, even for the very calm and rational and humane Mr. Putin.

Napolitano: 22:43
I don’t get it why the invaders are still there. Haven’t they actually expelled a few hundred thousand Russians from their homes and villages?

Doctorow:
“Expelled” is only partially true. Yes, there are some people who left under duress. There were some people who left their villages when Ukrainian and mercenary forces went down their streets firing machine guns at anything that moved. And so they, at the opportune moment, they got out of those towns and headed for safety. But the largest part of these refugees, or displaced persons, who are numbering as much as 200,000, they were evacuated, not expelled. There’s a difference there.

Napolitano:
Okay.

Doctorow:
They were– yes, they took their dogs and cats.

Napolitano:
But the invasion precipitated their involuntary removal from their homes and businesses, and the invaders are still there, so that’s why I’m scratching my head.

Doctorow: 23:51
Again, this is more complicated than you’re presenting it. They were evacuated because the Russian government wanted to evacuate them, meaning that it’s not just they were pushed out, but it has something to say with how the Russians expect to deal with the invaders. [There] will be massive destruction, which is not tolerable if civilians were still in the area. So, as I say, it’s a little bit more subtle than that. The net result is, as you say, these people have been forced out, but partly forced out by their government for the sake of the way it’s going to conduct its counter-offensive.

Napolitano: 24:32
Are Zelensky’s people crazy enough to attack Russian nuclear facilities?

Doctorow::
If they have the ability, yes. That is, of course, questionable. They already have. They caused a fire at one of the cooling towers of the nuclear power plant in Kursk province. So they have done a little bit. There was a sign. It was more symbolic than actually threatening the viability of that nuclear power plant.

25:06
Let’s go back to this question. What would trigger a violent reaction from Putin, including the use of nuclear arms? An attack on a nuclear power plant is one of them. Further demonstration of what the Russians are calling terrorism, that is to say if these marauders– who call themselves Ukrainian soldiers and who are now in the Kursk region– if they were to kill a significant number of civilians or if they were to stage some bombing either in Kursk or elsewhere in Russia that caused many civilian casualties, then you can anticipate that Mr. Putin’s calm and reserve will be history, and we will see some massive destruction. Whether this means massive destruction of Kiev, it’s unlikely for reasons as some of my colleagues have explained, however, removing the rada–

Napolitano: 26:18
Yeah, we seem to have lost him. All right, you’re back with us. Removing–

Doctorow:
Removing critical decision-making institutions and personalities cannot be excluded. I think it is doing our cause as a voice of reason and opposition to this war that’s being waged by NATO on Russia. I think it’s in our interests not to dismiss the Russians’ ability and willingness to escalate on their own if they are provoked in a way that is not symbolic but is genuinely perceived as threatening them.

I don’t think that we on our part should be saying that the Russians did not protect or … defend themselves when their red lines are crossed, because we’re doing ourselves a disservice in saying that. We don’t know, none of us knows, exactly what the Russians will do next, what– none of us has a microphone under Mr Putin’s pillow.

Napolitano: 27:28
So if I were to ask you if the invaders will still be there when you are next on this show about a week from now, you’re unable to answer that. No one is.

Doctorow:
No one is. I think some of us– There will be, again to come back to the question you posed before, there are no big concentrations of Ukrainian infantry or other armed forces in Kursk for the obvious reason, because they would then be subjected to these glide bombs and to artillery attacks, and they would be devastated. So the whole force, the 10,000 men, is not concentrated in any identifiable way. They are in groups, in small groups.

28:14
And certainly, even if large numbers are destroyed– and we hear that more than 3,500 have been killed or so wounded that they are no longer battle worthy– even if there are remaining small groups, yes, the area will not be liberated until it is finally fully flushed out. The Russian Ministry of Defense does not declare any city in Donetsk as being in their possession until they have sent through their troops that cover every inch of the ground. So, a similar thing will be true of Kursk. I think a week from now it’s safe to say there will still not be an end to the Kursk conflict.

Napolitano: 29:05
Professor Doctorow, a pleasure, my dear friend. Thank you very much for joining us. Thanks for your insight. We look forward to seeing you again next week.

Doctorow:
Well, thank you so much for having me.

Napolitano:
Of course. Coming up later today at 12 noon Eastern, Ambassador Charles Freeman; at 2 o’clock Eastern, Scott Ritter; at 3 o’clock Eastern, Professor John Mearsheimer; and at 4 o’clock Eastern, Professor Jeffrey Sachs.

Judging Freedom“ ist zurück auf youtube.com: der heutige Chat mit Judge Andrew Napolitano

Nach einer Woche auf der „Strafbank“ ist „Judging Freedom“ nun wieder auf youtube.com zu finden und läuft auf Hochtouren, wie jeder, der sich die hervorragende Liste der heutigen Interviewpartner ansieht, sofort verstehen wird. Ich freue mich, den Link zu meiner eigenen halbstündigen Diskussion mit The Judge zu präsentieren, in der es um die Kursk-Operation geht, die in Russland auch als NATO-Invasion in ihr Land bekannt ist.

Siehe https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e6s6k7r0lbs

Das Hin und Her dieser Diskussion war sehr nützlich, um Merkmale der andauernden Kämpfe in Kursk zu erhellen, die sicherlich viele Konsumenten der Berichterstattung in den großen Medien und auch in den alternativen Medien verwirren. Ich denke dabei an Fragen wie die, warum die Russen die Invasion nicht vorhergesehen und sich nicht besser dagegen geschützt haben; ob die Vereinigten Staaten die führende Hand hinter dem Einmarsch der ukrainischen Streitkräfte in Kursk waren oder ob es zum Beispiel das Vereinigte Königreich war; ob die 200.000 Russen, die ihre Häuser in dem jetzt von den Ukrainern besetzten Gebiet von Kursk verlassen mussten, von ihrer Regierung „vertrieben“ oder „evakuiert“ wurden in Anbetracht der Methoden, die sie anwenden wird, um die Ukrainer zu besiegen; und wie lange es dauern wird, bis die ukrainische Invasion von den russischen Streitkräften vollständig zurückgeschlagen ist.

Ich habe die Gelegenheit genutzt, um meine Ablehnung gegenüber den zuversichtlichen Äußerungen einiger meiner Kollegen in der Opposition zum Ausdruck zu bringen, die darauf beharren, dass Präsident Putin niemals zuerst taktische Nuklearwaffen gegen die Ukrainer oder die NATO-Länder einsetzen würde, egal wie viele „rote Linien“ sie überschreiten.

Nachfolgend die Abschrift eines Lesers

Judge Andrew Napolitano: 0:33
Hallo zusammen, hier ist Judge Andrew Napolitano für Judging Freedom. Heute ist Donnerstag, der 22. August 2024. Professor Gilbert Doctorow wird gleich hier sein und darüber sprechen, wer oder was Russland überfallen hat.

2:04
Professor Doctorow, mein lieber Freund, willkommen zurück in unserer Sendung. Wer oder was hat Russland bei Kursk überfallen?

Doctorow:
Ich glaube, ich verstehe Ihre Frage so, dass sie lautet: Sind es die Ukrainer allein? Handelt es sich, wie die Russen sagen, um eine NATO-Invasion in ihrem Land? Und ja.

Napolitano:
Und nur um einen dritten Teil dieser Frage für Ihren sehr klugen Kopf hinzuzufügen: Stecken die Vereinigten Staaten dahinter?

Doctorow:
Auch darüber kann man nur spekulieren. Ich glaube, unter den Experten herrscht die Meinung vor, dass das Vereinigte Königreich die Führung übernommen hatte. Auch wenn die Vereinigten Staaten im Hintergrund stehen, denke ich, dass das Vereinigte Königreich im Vordergrund steht. Und die neue Labour-Regierung war besonders aktiv, um ihre wichtige Führungsposition im globalen Westen zu demonstrieren. Sie handelt nicht nur als Schoßhündchen, das den Anweisungen der Vereinigten Staaten folgt, sondern ist dem, was die Vereinigten Staaten von sich aus tun würden, weit voraus. Und im Hintergrund könnte es zu einem Konflikt zwischen den Briten und den Amerikanern kommen, da dieser jüngste Schritt, wie ich das auch aus russischen Analysen entnehme, die ebenfalls mit dem Finger auf das Vereinigte Königreich zeigen, sehr reale Rückwirkungen auf die Vereinigten Staaten haben könnte.

3:49
Die Russen betrachten dies als eine Invasion. Und das hat den Charakter des Krieges verändert, die Psychologie innerhalb Russlands hat sich durch diese Tatsache verändert. „Wir kämpfen nicht nur an einer neuen 160 Kilometer langen Konfrontationslinie mit den Ukrainern, sondern wir kämpfen auf unserem eigenen Territorium.“ Und Russland hat, wie die großen Medien berichten, seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg keine ausländische Invasion auf seinem Territorium mehr erlebt. Dies ist also eine neue Situation. Der Stellvertreterkrieg ist ein sehr dünnes Feigenblatt für die Anwesenheit von NATO-Beratern, sowohl im Hintergrund durch die Fernsteuerung der Operationen in Kursk als auch vor Ort in Form von Beratern, Ausbildern und Technikern, die einige der anspruchsvolleren Geräte bedienen. All diese verschiedenen Facetten der Kursk-Operation haben den Charakter des Krieges aus Moskauer Sicht verändert.

Napolitano: 5:02
Was ist eigentlich passiert? Ich meine, können Sie beschreiben, was sich abgespielt hat? Wissen wir, wie viele westliche Soldaten in das Land eingedrungen sind und wie sie dorthin gelangt sind? Ich meine, anders ausgedrückt, war dies eine ukrainische Invasion oder ein russisches Versagen?

Dotorow:
Das ist sehr schwer zu beantworten. Natürlich gibt es offene Fragen, warum die Russen das nicht haben kommen sehen. Oder, ich denke, lassen Sie uns das ein wenig verfeinern. Soweit ich weiß, hat der russische Militärgeheimdienst dies kommen sehen. Es war, so heißt es, eine Entscheidung auf höchster Ebene, an der Spitze ihrer Generalstabschefs, dass die Entscheidung getroffen wurde, dass dies keine ernsthafte Bedrohung sei, es war ein Gerücht, es war – oder es sei eine so verrückte Idee, dass sie nicht glaubwürdig war. Und es gebe keinen Grund, dafür besondere Vorkehrungen zu treffen.

6:03
Unabhängig von den tatsächlichen Überlegungen kann ein völliges Versagen des militärischen Geheimdienstes ausgeschlossen werden. Es handelt sich um ein Versagen des Urteilsvermögens an der Spitze der militärischen Führung. Und damit ist General Gerasimow gemeint. Wie lange er diese Fehleinschätzung überleben wird, bleibt abzuwarten. Ich denke, dass die Russen, wie die meisten anderen politischen und militärischen Führungen auch, es ablehnen, wichtige militärische Befehlshaber mitten in einer Operation abzusetzen. Aber ich denke, dass er in der Hundehütte sitzt. Das Kommando über die Kursk-Operation wurde von Gerassimow auf einen Mann übertragen, der mit einigem Spott als Putins ehemaliger Hauptleibwächter oder Leiter seines Sicherheitsdienstes bezeichnet wird. Dabei handelt es sich jedoch um einen Mann mit beträchtlicher Erfahrung und beträchtlicher, nicht nur Loyalität gegenüber seinem Chef, sondern auch Erfahrung in der Verwaltung. Und dies scheint ein Versagen der Verwaltung gewesen zu sein, da sie nicht auf der Grundlage angemessener Informationen gehandelt haben. Wir werden sehen, wohin das führt.

Napolitano: 7:22
Ich möchte Sie bitten, auf das Argument von Larry Johnson zu antworten. Und sein Argument lautet wie folgt. Der amerikanische Geheimdienst hat dies zusammen mit dem ukrainischen Geheimdienst geplant, es wurde amerikanische Ausrüstung verwendet, die von amerikanischen Technikern bedient wurde, es wurde amerikanische Munition verwendet, um russische Soldaten zu töten, und wir glauben, dass amerikanische Menschen im Rahmen dieses Einmarsches einen Fuß nach Russland gesetzt haben. Daraus folgert Larry, dass Amerika, die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, in Russland einmarschiert sind. So aufrührerisch das auch klingt, in der Presse ist davon nichts zu lesen. Was denkt Gilbert Doctorow darüber?

Doctorow: 8:12
Sehen Sie, es gibt viel Raum für abweichende Meinungen unter Experten, denn das ist der Nebel des Krieges. Und lassen Sie mich nur ein kleines Gegenargument anführen. Als ich sagte, dass die Briten an der Spitze stehen, waren einige der ausgefallensten Ausrüstungen, die eingesetzt wurden, die Challenger 2 Panzer aus Großbritannien. Der britische Premierminister hat vor ein paar Tagen damit geprahlt, dass wir [diese] wunderbaren Panzer geschickt haben, die die Situation verändern. Das ist wahrscheinlich die größte Innovation in Bezug auf die Ausrüstung vor Ort bei dieser Kursk-Operation, verglichen mit anderen Orten an der Konfrontationslinie zwischen Russland und der Ukraine.

8:59
Das ist ein weiterer Faktor. Ja, amerikanisches Militär [ist] dort, aber ich denke, das größte Kontingent der 2.000 ausländischen Soldaten, Söldner, ob sie nun tatsächlich Mitglieder der Streitkräfte von NATO-Ländern sind oder ob sie in die Ukraine entsandt wurden – was auch immer ihre tatsächliche technische Situation ist, wir verstehen, dass etwa 2.000 der 11.000 oder 12.000 Männer, die bei der Kursk-Operation eingesetzt wurden, tatsächlich Ausländer sind. Und ich glaube, das größte Kontingent davon sind keine Amerikaner, keine Briten, sondern Polen. Polen und Franzosen. Also –

Napolitano: 9:50
Sind darunter auch Amerikaner, seien es Geheimdienstmitarbeiter, Auftragnehmer oder amerikanische Militärs in fremder Uniform?

Doctorow:
Zweifellos. Wenn die Russen die Absicht hätten, den Vereinigten Staaten den Krieg zu erklären, haben sie einen casus belli. Davon können wir ausgehen. Aber es liegt nicht im Interesse des Kremls, dies zu tun. Tatsächlich wird die gegenwärtige Situation in Kursk von den großen Medien als Zermürbungskrieg beschrieben. Nun, so ist es. Der Krieg, das Hauptschlachtfeld ist ein Zermürbungskrieg. Und wissen Sie was? Das gegenwärtige Patt oder die heftigen Kämpfe in Kursk spielen sich in der Tat als Zermürbungskrieg ab.

10:46
Der größte Faktor, der gegen die Ukrainer spricht, ist, dass sie keine Luftdeckung haben. Sie tun jetzt das, was normalerweise im Rahmen der NATO-Praxis nur bei Luftüberlegenheit getan wird. Das Gegenteil ist hier der Fall. Diese Truppen, die da geschickt werden, all diese wunderbaren Challenger-2-Panzer und Bradleys und all die schönen gepanzerten Fahrzeuge für das Personal, die die Vereinigten Staaten geliefert haben, all das ist Hubschrauberangriffen ausgesetzt, nicht nur Artillerie und nicht nur Drohnen, sondern Hubschrauberangriffen. Ganz zu schweigen vom Einsatz dieser tonnenschweren Gleitbomben, die von russischen Bombern auf die ukrainischen Stellungen auf der ukrainischen Seite der Grenze, auf der Seite von Sumy, geworfen werden.

11:45
Die Situation, in die sie sich gebracht haben, ist also katastrophal. Wenn der Westen morgen mit jeder Art von Hilfe herbeieilen würde, könnten sie sich vielleicht selbst erhalten. Aber unter den gegenwärtigen Bedingungen ist eine nennenswerte Unterstützung aus dem Westen, sei es in Form von Männern oder Material, um die Operation in Kursk zu unterstützen, nicht sehr wahrscheinlich.

Napolitano: 12:12
Sind die Angreifer isoliert? Haben die Russen ihre Nachschubwege, seien es Menschen, Lebensmittel oder Munition, aus der Ukraine abgeschnitten?

Doctorow:
Die wichtigste Einschränkung ist die des Treibstoffs. Ein Leser meiner Artikel – denn das ist etwas, das ich in den letzten Tagen auf meinen Blogseiten erwähnt habe – ein Leser in den Kommentaren sagte: „Oh, aber sie können immer die Tankstellen auf dieser, der russischen Seite der Grenze benutzen.“ Nun, ich nehme an, wenn sie die richtigen Kreditkarten haben, wenn Sie wissen, was ich meine. Damit kommen sie aber nicht sehr weit. Treibstoff ist ein großes Problem.

Andere Vorräte natürlich auch. Man kann davon ausgehen, dass auf der ukrainischen Seite der Grenze Chaos herrscht, weil die russischen Streitkräfte aus der Russischen Föderation heraus alle ihre Stellungen mit schweren Bomben und schwerer Artillerie beschießen.

Napolitano: 13:19
Und welche strategischen Ziele könnte die NATO mit der Ausarbeitung und Durchführung dieses Einbruchs in russischen Grund und Boden verfolgt haben?

Doctorow:
Nun, was sie sagen hat sich von Tag zu Tag geändert, was die wahre Mission sei. Herr Zelensky hat seine Geschichte in verschiedenen Erklärungen geändert, von denen jede im Widerspruch zu den Realitäten vor Ort steht, die seine Absichten ins Lächerliche ziehen. Die jüngste lautet: „Wir wollen dieses Gebiet nicht behalten, sondern es als Verhandlungsmasse nutzen.“

14:02
Aber wie wir wissen, hat der Kreml ausdrücklich Verhandlungen jeglicher Art ausgeschlossen, weil er der Ansicht ist, dass diese jüngste Operation des so genannten Neonazi-Regimes in Kiew die letzte rote Linie überschritten hat und dieses Regime zu einer Partei macht, mit der er nicht verhandeln will. Sie wollen erst einen Regimewechsel in Kiew sehen, bevor sie mit irgendjemandem Gespräche aufnehmen.

Napolitano: 14:38
Wie hat sich dies, wenn überhaupt, auf die Bewegung, die Bewegung des russischen Hauptmilitärs in Richtung Westen ausgewirkt, das sich dem Fluss Dnjepr nähert?

Doctorow:
Nun, es gibt eine gewisse Entfernung zum Fluss Dnjepr, zumindest in der Gegend im Norden und im Südwesten sind sie in der Nähe des Flusses Dnjepr. Cherson liegt am Dnjepr. Aber das Geschehen spielt sich nicht im Süden bei Cherson ab. Das Hauptgeschehen findet nach wie vor in der Region Donezk statt, und die liegt nicht in der Nähe des Dnjepr.

Trotzdem ist Ihr Punkt sehr wichtig. Indem die Verteidiger der tausend Kilometer langen Konfrontationslinie zwischen der Ukraine und Russland ihrer besten Elitetruppen, ihrer kriegserfahrensten Soldaten und ihrer modernsten Ausrüstung, die sie aus dem Westen erhalten haben, beraubt wurden – indem die Konfrontationslinie bei Donezk genau dieser Elemente beraubt wurde, haben sie ihre Widerstandsmöglichkeiten erheblich geschwächt. Und sie waren nicht in der Lage, sich einzugraben und sichere Verteidigungspositionen einzunehmen, während sie im Gebiet von Donezk immer heftigeren russischen Angriffen gegenüberstanden. Und gerade um Pokrowsk finden die größten Kämpfe statt. Wenn man sechs Monate bis ein Jahr zurückgeht, wurde jede Stadt in der Ukraine, die von den Russen belagert oder angegriffen wurde, für wertlos erklärt und war nur ein weiteres Beispiel dafür, dass die Russen angeblich Wellen von Soldaten in den Tod geschickt hätten, um dem Feind ein paar Quadratzentimeter, wenn nicht sogar Meter, abzunehmen.

16:44
Dieses Märchen taucht nicht mehr auf. Es wird nirgendwo in Diskussionen über Kursk oder den aktuellen Konflikt in Donezk erwähnt. Stattdessen hören wir in den großen Medien zu Recht, dass Pokrowsk ein sehr wichtiger Transportknotenpunkt für ukrainischen Nachschub aus dem Westen der Ukraine, aus dem ukrainischen Kernland, ist, um die Frontlinien zu versorgen. Die russische Eroberung von Pokrowsk, die wahrscheinlich in wenigen Tagen stattfinden wird, wird also einen verheerenden Schlag für die Nachschublogistik der gesamten ukrainischen Armee entlang dieser 1.000 Kilometer langen Grenze bedeuten.

Napolitano: 17:34
Erzählen Sie uns, Professor Doctorow, von den russischen Medien und wie die diese Angelegenheit behandeln. Ich glaube, der Kreml nannte es auf Englisch CTO, eine Counter Terrorist Operation. Was ist also eine Anti-Terror-Operation? Was sagen die Medien dazu? Entschuldigen Sie bitte die dreifache Frage. Und gibt es Druck auf Präsident Putin, mit harter Hand gegen die Invasoren vorzugehen?

Doctorow: 18:08
Beginnen wir mit dem letzten Punkt, dem Druck. Die Frage, welcher Art von Druck Herr Putin im Allgemeinen von der russischen Nation, von der russischen Öffentlichkeit ausgesetzt ist, um den Krieg mit der Ukraine schnell zu beenden, möchte ich einfach mal sezieren. Ich denke, wir sprechen über die Klatschbasen, wir sprechen über politisch engagierte Menschen, wie es sie in der russischen Gesellschaft gibt, wie es sie in jedem demokratischen Land gibt. Das ist nicht das ganze Volk. Ich glaube, die breite Bevölkerung ist nicht so engagiert, nicht so sehr auf die täglichen Kampfergebnisse oder auf die Rache an den Invasoren konzentriert.

19:07
Der Druck auf Herrn Putin kommt also aus seinen Kreisen im Kreml und im Großraum Moskau. Dort melden sich die einflussreichen Leute, die politisch einflussreichen Leute, in den großen Medien zu Wort, weil sie als Gäste auftreten. Wen würde ich mit „sie treten auf“ meinen? Das heißt, die Leiter der Duma-Ausschüsse, wie des Verteidigungsausschusses, der übrigens ein Kommunist ist, ein Kommunist der Russischen Partei der Russischen Föderation. Sie treten in Sendungen auf, und die beiden, die dafür am wichtigsten sind: Entweder ist es Wladimir Solowjows „Abende mit [Solowjow]“, oder es ist „Das große Spiel“, das drei Moderatoren hat, von denen der wichtigste ein Duma-Mitglied ist, Wjatscheslaw Nikonow.

20:05
Sie haben Gäste aus der Duma, und zwar nicht nur einfache Duma-Mitglieder, sondern auch Vorsitzende von Duma-Ausschüssen, insbesondere solche, die für Verteidigung oder andere Fragen der Staatssicherheit zuständig sind.

Napolitano:
Gibt es unter dieser Elite einen Konsens darüber, was sie von Präsident Putin erwarten?

Doctorow:
Konsens, nein. Abgesehen davon, dass es eine gewisse, recht lebhafte Diskussion darüber gibt, ob sie einen Atomschlag gegen die NATO-Streitkräfte durchführen sollten. Ich habe dies bereits in der Vergangenheit erwähnt, nämlich ob F-16-Stützpunkte, zum Beispiel in Moldawien, bombardiert werden sollten oder nicht. Sollen sie in Rumänien bombardieren? Sollen sie in Deutschland bombardieren, in Wiesbaden, dem neuen Koordinierungszentrum für die gesamte europäische Militärhilfe für die Ukraine, das demnächst koordiniert werden soll?

21:00
Diese Fragen werden offen diskutiert, und das ist ein großer weiterer Schritt im Vergleich zu vor einem Jahr, als diese Art von Diskussion nur von einigen wenigen Ultranationalisten geführt wurde. Jetzt sind sie unter den eher besonnenen, aber strategisch denkenden russischen Experteneliten und Politikern in der Duma gang und gäbe. Ob dies Druck auf Putin ausübt, dem er nicht widerstehen kann, ob es tatsächlich seinem gradualistischen Ansatz oder seinem „sanften, sanften“ Ansatz zuwiderläuft, lässt sich noch nicht sagen.

21:46
Aber ich behalte mir einen Punkt vor, und zwar vertrete ich einen etwas anderen Standpunkt als einige meiner Kollegen, die sagen: „Ah, Herr Putin würde nie etwas derart Gewalttätiges tun. Er würde nie so etwas wie einen Atomschlag machen.“ Dem stimme ich nicht zu. Das russische Verhalten während dieses Krieges wurde vom westlichen Verhalten diktiert. Und wenn Russland eine existenzielle Bedrohung seiner Existenz spürt, die Atomwaffen oder potenziell nuklear bestückte Raketen, die von den Vereinigten Staaten an die Ukraine geliefert werden, darstellen würden, liegen – wie man in Washington sagt – alle Optionen auf dem Tisch, selbst für den sehr ruhigen und rationalen und humanen Herrn Putin.

Napolitano: 22:43
Ich verstehe nicht, warum die Invasoren immer noch dort sind. Haben sie nicht tatsächlich ein paar hunderttausend Russen aus ihren Häusern und Dörfern vertrieben?

Doctorow:
„Vertrieben“ ist nur teilweise wahr. Ja, es gibt einige Menschen, die unter Zwang gegangen sind. Es gab einige Menschen, die ihre Dörfer verließen, als ukrainische und Söldnertruppen durch ihre Straßen zogen und mit Maschinengewehren auf alles schossen, was sich bewegte. Und so verließen sie zum richtigen Zeitpunkt diese Städte und brachten sich in Sicherheit. Aber der größte Teil dieser Flüchtlinge oder Vertriebenen, von denen es bis zu 200.000 gibt, wurde evakuiert, nicht vertrieben. Da gibt es einen Unterschied.

Napolitano:
Okay.

Doctorow:
Sie waren – ja, sie haben ihre Hunde und Katzen mitgenommen.

Napolitano:
Aber die Invasion führte dazu, dass sie unfreiwillig aus ihren Häusern und Geschäften vertrieben wurden, und die Eindringlinge sind immer noch da, weshalb ich mir den Kopf zerbreche.

Doctorow: 23:51
Nochmals: Die Sache hier ist komplizierter, als Sie sie darstellen. Sie wurden evakuiert, weil die russische Regierung sie evakuieren wollte, was bedeutet, dass sie nicht nur vertrieben wurden, sondern dass es etwas damit zu tun hat, wie die Russen mit den Eindringlingen umgehen wollen. Es wird zu massiven Zerstörungen kommen, was nicht hinnehmbar wäre, wenn sich noch Zivilisten in dem Gebiet aufhielten. Es ist also, wie gesagt, etwas subtiler als das. Das Endergebnis ist, wie Sie sagen, dass diese Menschen vertrieben wurden, aber zum Teil wurden sie von ihrer Regierung vertrieben, weil diese ihre Gegenoffensive durchführen will.

Napolitano: 24:32
Sind Zelenskys Leute verrückt genug, um russische Atomanlagen anzugreifen?

Doctorow::
Wenn sie die Fähigkeit dazu haben, ja. Das ist natürlich fraglich. Sie haben es bereits getan. Sie haben einen Brand in einem der Kühltürme des Kernkraftwerks in der Provinz Kursk [recte: Saporischje] verursacht. Sie haben also schon ein bisschen so etwas getan. Es gab ein Zeichen. Es war eher symbolisch, als dass es die Lebensfähigkeit des Kernkraftwerks tatsächlich bedroht hätte.

25:06
Lassen Sie uns auf diese Frage zurückkommen. Was würde eine gewalttätige Reaktion von Putin auslösen, einschließlich des Einsatzes von Atomwaffen? Ein Angriff auf ein Kernkraftwerk ist eine der Möglichkeiten. Eine weitere Demonstration dessen, was die Russen als Terrorismus bezeichnen, d.h. wenn diese Marodeure – die sich selbst als ukrainische Soldaten bezeichnen und sich jetzt in der Region Kursk aufhalten – eine erhebliche Anzahl von Zivilisten töten oder wenn sie entweder in Kursk oder anderswo in Russland einen Bombenanschlag verüben, der viele zivile Opfer fordert, dann können Sie davon ausgehen, dass die Ruhe und Zurückhaltung von Herrn Putin vorbei sein wird und wir massive Zerstörungen erleben werden. Ob damit eine massive Zerstörung Kiews gemeint ist, ist aus Gründen, die einige meiner Kollegen erläutert haben, unwahrscheinlich, aber die Beseitigung der Rada-

Napolitano: 26:18
Ja, es scheint, wir haben ihn verloren. In Ordnung, Sie sind wieder bei uns. Beseitigung…

Doctorow:
Die Beseitigung kritischer Entscheidungsinstitutionen und -persönlichkeiten kann nicht ausgeschlossen werden. Ich denke, dass es unserer Sache dient, eine Stimme der Vernunft und der Opposition gegen diesen Krieg zu sein, den die NATO gegen Russland führt. Ich denke, es liegt in unserem Interesse, die Fähigkeit und die Bereitschaft der Russen nicht zu verkennen, von sich aus zu eskalieren, wenn sie auf eine Weise provoziert werden, die nicht symbolisch ist, sondern wirklich als Bedrohung empfunden wird.

Ich glaube nicht, dass wir unsererseits sagen sollten, die Russen hätten sich nicht geschützt oder … verteidigt, wenn ihre roten Linien überschritten werden, denn damit würden wir uns selbst einen schlechten Dienst erweisen. Wir wissen nicht, keiner von uns weiß genau, was die Russen als nächstes tun werden, was – keiner von uns hat ein Mikrofon unter Herrn Putins Kopfkissen.

Napolitano: 27:28
Wenn ich Sie also fragen würde, ob die Invasoren noch da sein werden, wenn Sie in einer Woche das nächste Mal in dieser Sendung sind, könnten Sie das nicht beantworten. Keiner kann das.

Doctorow:
Niemand kann das. Ich denke, einige von uns – um noch einmal auf die Frage zurückzukommen, die Sie vorhin gestellt haben – es gibt keine großen Konzentrationen ukrainischer Infanterie oder anderer Streitkräfte in Kursk, und zwar aus dem offensichtlichen Grund, weil sie dann diesen Gleitbomben und Artillerieangriffen ausgesetzt wären, und sie würden zerstört werden. Die gesamte Truppe, die 10.000 Mann, ist also nicht in einer erkennbaren Weise konzentriert. Sie sind in Gruppen, in kleinen Gruppen.

28:14
Und selbst wenn eine große Zahl von Kämpfern vernichtet wird – und wir hören, dass mehr als 3.500 getötet oder so verwundet wurden, dass sie nicht mehr kampffähig sind –, selbst wenn kleine Gruppen übrig bleiben, wird das Gebiet nicht befreit sein, bevor es nicht endgültig geräumt ist. Das russische Verteidigungsministerium erklärt keine Stadt in Donezk als in seinem Besitz, bevor es nicht seine Truppen durchgeschickt hat, die jeden Zentimeter des Bodens abdecken. Ähnlich wird es sich mit Kursk verhalten. Ich denke, in einer Woche kann man mit Sicherheit sagen, dass der Konflikt um Kursk immer noch nicht beendet ist.

Napolitano: 29:05
Professor Doctorow, ein Vergnügen, mein lieber Freund. Vielen Dank, dass Sie zu uns gekommen sind. Danke für Ihren Einblick. Wir freuen uns darauf, Sie nächste Woche wiederzusehen.

Doctorow:
Nun, vielen Dank für die Einladung.

Napolitano:
Ja, natürlich. Heute um 12 Uhr Ostküste, Botschafter Charles Freeman; um 2 Uhr Ostküste, Scott Ritter; um 3 Uhr Ostküste, Professor John Mearsheimer; und um 4 Uhr Ostküste, Professor Jeffrey Sachs.

GAME PLAN featured interview on India’s WION broadcaster: “Russia gains territory in Ukraine as Zelensky loses troops & armoured vehicles in Kursk”

GAME PLAN featured interview on India’s WION broadcaster: “Russia gains territory in Ukraine as Zelensky loses troops & armoured vehicles in Kursk”

In past essays, I have described the Indian broadcaster WION (acronym for The World is One) as the country’s leading English-language global television network. Two days ago I was interviewed by one of their presenters based in New York for a live program. My latest 7-minute interview, taped yesterday and released this morning can be found following the link given below. It was conducted by anchor Shivan Chanana in their main Indian studios.

WION’s published figures for its subscriber base today show 9 million. That is enormous drawing power.  

Given their prominent place within Indian broadcasting, it is understandable that WION tends to reflect the predominant mood of people and government at any given time.  When I first was invited to participate as an expert commentator chiefly on Russian affairs, WION and its audience were pro-American leaning.  Some of the first comments on me posted by their viewers amounted to: “how did you let this guy on the air?  Good for you!” What was meant, of course, is that the Russian perspective had not been aired till then, only the Washington narrative that you hear on most global media networks.

However, government and public opinion in India have moved steadily against the United States due to easily identifiable missteps of American foreign policy. The latest color revolution in neighboring Bengladesh that is widely assumed to have engineered by the United States has turned that country against India, something which is deeply resented in Delhi. Accordingly, the audience that my interviews now attract on this station, which is heavily Indian, though with an admixture of viewers from many other countries, is considerably more open to information about Russia and the logic of its conducting the war against Ukraine and NATO.  You see this in the Comments section.

Happy viewing!

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

Postscript: Today’s Comments section on this WION interview is well worthy of attention. The interview is doing very well at 7 hours after release. Presently it has 77,000 ‘hits’ and it may well rise in a day towards the 360,000 ‘hits’ record of an interview I gave with them a month ago. Meanwhile, the thumbs up numbers are also decent and no thumbs down. BUT there is a cluster of viciously anti-WION comments a dozen Comments down from the top which to my thinking have been planted by pro-Ukrainian agitators. Never a dull moment!

Transcript submitted by a reader followed by translation into German (Andreas Mylaeus)


Shivan Chanana, WION: 0:00
Russia has made it absolutely clear that there cannot be any talks with Kiev after its attack on Russia’s Kursk region. But as Ukraine nurses the ambition to take over more Russian territory, Russian troops took over Viyemka railway station, the Donetsk People’s Republic, over the past day, along with Artemovo, one of the largest Russian gains of recent weeks. And Russian troops are inching close to Pokrovsk, where Ukraine has asked for pe’ople to move out of. Now, in Kursk, during the past day, Ukraine lost more than 330 troops and 27 armored vehicles. Is Kiev losing more on its home turf than it could gain inside Russia as Russian troops continue to advance inside Ukraine and pound Ukrainian troops in Kursk? What is Ukraine’s game plan from here? To discuss this further, we’re being joined by Dr. Gilbert Doctorow, who’s an international affairs analyst, historian and author, joining us right here on “Game Plan”. It’s always a pleasure speaking with you. Thank you so much for joining me. Doctor, do you feel Ukraine has left its home territory open to Russian advances by directing its men and resources inside Russia?

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD: 1:06
This is not my opinion. It’s a consensus opinion of analysts in the West as well. I was listening this morning to BBC News, their reporter on the ground, who was saying exactly this, that the Ukrainians have taken a gamble and they are risking great losses in Donetsk, some of which are taking place as we talk, by diverting their elite troops to the incursion, now we can call it an invasion, of the Russian Federation in the Kursk Oblast.

WION: 1:43
Doctor, if we now shift focus to Ukraine’s incursion into Kursk, a Russian Su-34 struck Ukrainian manpower and armoured military hardware in the borderline Kursk region with glide bombs. Now, I’m quoting from reports which have come in from the Russian side. And during the past day, Ukraine lost more than 330 troops and 27 armored vehicles, including four tanks, a combat infantry carrier, three armored personnel carriers, 19 armored combat vehicles, eight automobiles, two artillery systems, and three mortars. These are details which the Russian state media is sharing. Has Ukraine miscalculated the impending larger losses for short-term gains?

Doctorow: 2:21
Let us look for a moment at these losses of equipment. Not much is being said as to why. Yes, the Russians have very good killer drones. They have very good artillery. But their tasks have probably been made easier by something else that is not in the headlines or even in the third or fourth paragraph down in Western media accounts. That is the question of fuel supply. The Russians, two or three days ago, destroyed a large fuel storage area in the neighboring territory of Ukraine that is on the other side of the border. This was a vital supply of fuel to those vehicles now engaged within Kursk territory. In short, you have situation where Ukrainian tanks, Ukrainian armored personnel carriers, run out of fuel. They stall, and they are sitting ducks for Russian artillery. That leaves the infantry, the Ukrainian infantry, who were protected by these mechanized units, vulnerable on the ground, on foot, to find safety as best they can. And all of this leads to much heavier casualties Ukrainian side.

WION: 03:41
Doctor, if I were to just compare, there are reports coming in that Russia is constantly gaining ground inside Ukraine and as far as Kursk is concerned, Ukraine is losing manpower and it has run out of fuel, a very pertinent point that again, as you mentioned, we’ve not read in most reports that fuel is something that they’re running out of and only leaving them and their military vehicles as sitting ducks. So in a way, on both fronts, they are losing ground. Now, of course, this is, all these developments, you know, there are reports which are coming from the West and there are reports coming from Russia, a lot of reporting has happened from, you know, inputs which have come in from the West side, here are reports which are coming in from Russia’s side that suggest that in Kursk, Ukraine is losing out, both manpower, troops as well as military vehicles. Where does Ukraine go from here? What’s the game plan? Are they expecting to now be slaughtered there and then as they wait as sitting ducks? Do they plan to go even further? And they are begging the West to allow them to use Storm Shadow missiles deep inside Russian territory. Do you think that is a possibility? What’s the game plan from here?

Doctorow: 4:48
There are various scenarios that we can discuss, but I’d like to focus on the ones with highest probability, and also to focus on the question of what kind of war is being fought. It’s been ignored in Western media that from the Russian perspective, this is a new war. The incursion into Russian Federation territory, as in the Russian accounting, changed the war directly to a Russian-NATO war, because they insist that the incursion was impossible in concept and in implementation without the active participation of NATO officers and of NATO planners in the headquarters of NATO in the United States and Europe. So from the Russian perspective, this is a new war. There’s a war now of national liberation, which nobody is talking about.

5:36
From the Russian perspective, what they were fighting from the start of the special military operation in February 2022 was a war to liberate their brethren, their Russian speakers, first of all, in the Donbas, and then what they call Novorossiya, meaning the Kherson and Zaporizhzhye oblasts of Ukraine. This is a very nice intellectual exercise, which some people could be enthusiastic about, but it’s not a national cause. Once the Ukrainians marched into Russia proper, that changed the nature of the war, to a war of national liberation by the Russians, a war which can most easily support an upsurge in patriotism. And for that reason alone, I can see why the Russians would not immediately try to quash the Ukrainian invasion. It served the purposes of Moscow for this invasion to proceed a little bit and to get just far enough to get the whole Russian nation very excited and very keen to destroy Ukraine.

WION: 6:42
Perhaps this gives Russia the kind of mobilization that it was hoping for earlier in the war, because now again it becomes a question of a foreign enemy, which has now entered its homeland. Perhaps that is the reason that it’s been two weeks and Russia has not given a strong response. Of course, there are several possibilities at this point, but you’ve made several pertinent points. Thank you so much for joining in. That was Dr. Gilbert Doctorow, international affairs analyst, author and historian joining me on “Game Plan”. Always a pleasure speaking with you, sir.

Doctorow: 7:12
Thanks for inviting me.

German translation below

GAME PLAN im Interview mit dem indischen Sender WION: „Russland gewinnt Territorium in der Ukraine, während Zelensky Truppen und gepanzerte Fahrzeuge in Kursk verliert“

In früheren Beiträgen habe ich den indischen Sender WION (Akronym für The World is One) als das führende englischsprachige globale Fernsehnetzwerk des Landes bezeichnet. Vor zwei Tagen wurde ich von einem der in New York ansässigen Moderatoren für eine Live-Sendung interviewt. Mein letztes 7-minütiges Interview, das gestern aufgezeichnet und heute Morgen veröffentlicht wurde, finden Sie unter dem unten angegebenen Link. Es wurde von dem Moderator Shivan Chanana in den indischen Hauptstudios geführt.

Die heute von WION veröffentlichten Zahlen über die Zahl der Abonnenten belaufen sich auf 9 Millionen. Das ist eine enorme Anziehungskraft.

Angesichts der herausragenden Stellung des Senders im indischen Rundfunk ist es verständlich, dass WION dazu neigt, die vorherrschende Stimmung der Menschen und der Regierung zu einem bestimmten Zeitpunkt widerzuspiegeln. Als ich zum ersten Mal eingeladen wurde, als Experte vor allem für russische Angelegenheiten zu kommentieren, waren WION und sein Publikum pro-amerikanisch eingestellt. Einige der ersten Kommentare, die von den Zuschauern über mich gepostet wurden, lauteten: „Wie habt ihr diesen Kerl in die Sendung gebracht? Gut für euch!“ Gemeint war natürlich, dass die russische Perspektive bis dahin nicht gesendet worden war, sondern nur die Washingtoner Sichtweise, die man in den meisten globalen Mediennetzen hört.

Die Regierung und die öffentliche Meinung in Indien haben sich jedoch aufgrund von leicht erkennbaren Fehltritten der amerikanischen Außenpolitik stetig gegen die Vereinigten Staaten gewandt. Die jüngste Farb-Revolution im benachbarten Benghadesch, von der weithin angenommen wird, dass sie von den Vereinigten Staaten angezettelt wurde, hat dieses Land gegen Indien aufgebracht, was in Delhi zutiefst beklagt wird. Dementsprechend ist das Publikum, das ich mit meinen Interviews auf diesem Sender anspreche, der überwiegend aus Menschen in Indien besteht, wenn auch mit einer Beimischung von Zuschauern aus vielen anderen Ländern, wesentlich offener für Informationen über Russland und die Logik seiner Kriegsführung gegen die Ukraine und die NATO. Sie sehen das im Abschnitt Kommentare.

Viel Spaß beim Anschauen!

Nachtrag: Der heutige Kommentarbereich zu diesem WION-Interview ist durchaus beachtenswert. Das Interview läuft 7 Stunden nach seiner Veröffentlichung sehr gut. Zurzeit hat es 77.000 ‘Hits’ und es kann gut sein, dass es innerhalb eines Tages den Rekord von 360.000 ‘Hits’ eines Interviews erreicht, das ich ihnen vor einem Monat gegeben habe. Die Zahl der „Daumen hoch“-Zeichen ist inzwischen auch anständig und es gibt keine „Daumen runter“-Zeichen. ABER es gibt eine Reihe von bösartigen Anti-WION-Kommentaren ein Dutzend Kommentare weiter oben, die meiner Meinung nach von pro-ukrainischen Agitatoren platziert wurden. Niemals ein langweiliger Moment!

‘Dialogue Works’: Ukraine’s Defeat in Kursk Region?

‘I am pleased to share with readers the link to an interview that Nima Alkhorshid took with me a few minutes ago. As always, there was more than one topic under discussion, but the central issue was precisely that mentioned in the title which he has given to our discussion.

Transcription below by a reader

Nima R. Alkhorshid: 0:04
Yeah, let’s get started with what’s going on in Ukraine and the latest comment of Sergei Lavrov. He says that after Ukraine [assault on Kursk region], negotiations with Kyiv are impossible. How do you find it right now?

Gilbert Doctorow, PhD:
Well, there is a bit of … several things to consider, what is driving that kind of conclusion on the part of Lavrov. What has changed is the nature of the war, as the Russians see it. I’m going to be speaking about the Russian perspective on this war, not my own perspective or Western perspective, but precisely the Russian perspective, which is that from the moment of the invasion, what’s called an incursion, but now it’s really an invasion of Russian territory proper by Ukrainian forces, the Russians see in this a NATO attack on Russia.

1:11
And why do they see this? Because they know for certainty that the move into Kursk, The move across the border into Russian Federation territory was under discussion and planning between Ukrainian military and their backers or puppeteers in the West, in the United States and particularly in Britain, for more than a year. So they are also considering that there are numbers of NATO officers, whether they are wearing NATO uniforms or are dressed up as Ukrainian forces, is irrelevant, but there are NATO officers who are conducting both on the ground and of course remotely what is going on day by day in the incursion.

2:05
So from the standpoint of Russians, this is a NATO invasion. It’s also worth noting that the special military operation had a concept around it, an envelope around it, which was precisely to achieve the demilitarization or the denazification of Ukraine, period. It was not intended to be a Russian takeover of territory, and least of all, a Russian takeover of the whole of Ukraine. Thus, in the present situation, we have an invasion of Russia. And what had been an intellectual exercise for the Kremlin, and for the the Russian elites, is now a gut exercise for the Russian people as a whole. And to understand that you have to look back a bit history, as I have been pondering these last 24 hours, where are the the guidelines for our appreciating the new situation as seen by Russia?

3:10
For that you go back, you go back of course to World War II, which is as even our mainstream commentators say, the last time that Russia was invaded. Of course, that was the Soviet Union. But nonetheless, let’s consider it greater Russia, was invaded by foreign forces. But that isn’t sufficient. We have to go back a bit further to understand the emotional content of what has happened as regards Russians. And to go back further means to go back to 1812. This was the Napoleonic invasion of something like 500,000 foreign troops came into Russia to overthrow the regime, so to speak. They were acting on behalf of revolutionary France, for whom Emperor Alexander I’s Russia was the exemplar and a major defender of the Ancien Regime in Europe.

4:08
So you have this situation in 1812 that culminated of course in the reordering of Europe as a whole, as we know. But for the Russian perspective it was an invasion of 500,000 troops. The core of them were French, but they included soldiers from all over Europe. In a sense, this was an anticipation of a NATO invasion of Russia. Because they were Germans, they were French, they were Italians, they were people of all of Western Europe who were looking for booty, who were looking for glory by participating in the Napoleonic invasion of the Grand Armée. And then there were the ideological or nationalist contingent of that substantial about 100,000 Poles, which also, if you want to look at the present situation, has certain parallels.

5:02
This multinational army that invaded Russia created a different response from the wars, and there were maybe 15 years of wars, between Revolutionary France and Ancien Régime Russia. And these wars both were before 1812 and after 1812. In particular, if you look before, when Russia was engaged with Napoleon’s forces in its own alliance, alliance that varied with time, with Austria and with Prussia. These were fought in the old fashion, 18th century fashion, formal lines of soldiers on each side. They were following rules of war of the 18th century. What we had in 1812 was a new situation. This– you see the entrance of what we would today call partisans, and they were then called irregulars. And what was this all about?

6:03
The War of 1812 was a war of national liberation of Russia from an invading force that captured the old capital of the country and the religious center of the country, Moscow. This was supposed to bring Russia to its knees. And had Alexander I been playing by the old rules, it would have. But he wasn’t playing by the old rules. He played by new rules of nationalism. And what does that mean? It was a nation in arms. The whole of the Russian peasantry was active in repelling the invaders, first by supporting a scorched- earth policy, meaning that they put alight their fields, and they deprived the invaders of food. And very importantly, by putting a fire to their pasturage, they deprived the Napoleonic cavalry of forage for the horses and the horses died in great numbers, which meant that you had the invaders who had come in proudly mounted were leaving in disarray on foot, a great many of them, or climbing onto any wagons that they could lay hold of.

7:28
And on the points there of parallel with this present situation in Kursk, which we can get into in a moment, but I don’t want to be distracted from the overriding issue. A war that was either a dynastic war, an imperial war of the old variety had become a nation in arms. And I believe that contrary to the expectations of Washington or London, that the great humiliation that they believe has been imposed on Vladimir Putin by this successful incursion, taking 1000 and now we understand today 1200 square kilometers of Russian territory, that this humiliation is not a threat to the Russian government or to Mr. Putin personally.

8:19
On the contrary, the desecration of Russian land by foreign troops is a great rallying call to the Russian nation. Now there have been volunteers, there have been sign-ups of large numbers of, quote, volunteers, kontraktniki as they call them in Russian, because they are soldiers under contract with the Ministry of Defense for periods of service, at least six months in the war zone. There have been large numbers: 30,000 per month have come forward in the last year to fill the ranks of the Russian army and for the purpose of prosecuting the war in Ukraine. But I expect that we will see still larger numbers now.

9:07
And whereas the kontraktniki, many of them, were engaged in this by the very attractive financial considerations, considerations which now reach as far as the equivalent of 10,000 euros upon signing up to participate in a special military operation. This is a figure that I come to using the mandatory federal allocation per signee, the regional, that is from which region of Russia, province of Russia, the signup took place, local authorities allocating funds from their budget for each person who signs up and contributions by private industry or civil society to assist the welfare of those who are fighting for the nation’s honor and territory.

10:10
So, these have been very important sums, just at signup. And addition, and you have to add to that the very significant monthly compensation that is set down in the terms of the registration to participate, for each month spent in the war zone. These sums are for many people who joined the fight, more money than they’ve ever seen in their lives. So that was financial consideration, cannot be discounted. And it complemented the instinctive patriotic feelings of many Russians, of all classes, who took an interest and had great sympathy for Russian-speakers who were being so persecuted and who were being murdered in Donbass regions by the regular Ukrainian army as from 2014 up to the start of the special military operation in 2022.

11:19
All of that remains in place, and add to it now the gut feelings of Russians of all classes who are defending not just brethren outside the border of Russia but their own people within Russia. That’s a new situation. Add to it further the consideration that the Kremlin has given to its public, that they are engaged in the war with NATO directly, and that the survival of the country depends on successful prosecution of the war.

Alkhorshid: 11:58
Do you think that Russia is getting to the point that they are going to decide to cross the Dnieper River and go to the western part of Ukraine?

Doctorow:
I don’t think they will do that until last resort. It depends, of course, on what kind of assistance, what kind of support, financial and military, the United States and its allies will give should Donbass be totally reclaimed on the ground by Russian forces, should the Russians approach Kiev and the Dnieper River, which is the middle point of 1991 Ukraine. So, I don’t think anything has been pre-decided here. Russia does not want to rule over a country and a people that are dead set against it and that will only cause skirmishes and military conflict for years to come. That is not their objective. But that Russia may destroy Lvov, for example, entirely thinkable. I think that it’s more conceivable to me that they will leave Western Ukraine in ruins by bombing and other remote operations than by sending in troops and trying to occupy Western Ukraine.

Alkhorshid: 13:24
The other thing that Sergey Lavrov was talking about was: we know that since this attack on the Kursk region, the officials in Washington were talking about that “We didn’t provide anything, we didn’t do anything, we have nothing to do with what’s going on in that region.” But Shoigu has said that without Washington ordering this attack on Russia, the Kiev regime, the Zelensky administration, was not capable, physically and mentally, to do that. And when you put these two arguments together, you see there is no connection, there is no communication between these two rhetorics. And in your opinion, if we go with the argument of Sergei Lavrov and accept what he’s saying right now, why [is Washington] not capable of accepting its role in what’s going on right now in that way?

Doctorow: 14:32
Well, if it were to accept its role, that would be acknowledging that it is at war with Russia, and that Russia will respond, as it may, to a country with which it is, by all evidence, at war. So, the United States would like to pretend that this is still a proxy war, and that it is not a co-belligerent. This explains the rather outrageous lies we’re hearing from Washington, that “We don’t know anything about it, we have nothing to do with it.” On the other hand, let us consider that there is a certain agency on the part of the Ukrainian leadership. And there is a question of whether this was precipitated, the march into Kursk, by their own internal dynamics, wherein Sirski was about to be dismissed over the disastrous conduct of the war at the front lines, by which I mean the war in Donetsk.

15:37
So it is, there are certain elements which are beyond Washington’s total control. There are internal conflicts within those at the top in military and civil administrations within Ukraine.

Alkhorshid:
And the way that the conflict is going on right now, in your opinion, are we seeing a Ukraine that everything inside is getting out of the hand of the United States? Because how do you see the possibility of having a military coup in Ukraine against Zelensky? Because the situation, the way that they’re sending these troops, these soldiers to fight and just dying for nothing, how long [can they] sustain this kind of situation, this kind of condition?

Doctorow: 16:30
It’s conceivable they can sustain this through the American elections in November. That is what some experts were saying as recently as a month ago, and I don’t see reason to change that. Yes, the Ukraine front is moving westward. The Russians are advancing, but not by 10 and 20 kilometers a day. But that may happen if indeed there’s a big breakthrough following the Russian capture of Pokrovsk and the Ukrainian army is deprived of supplies along the whole front, which passed through Pokrovsk today.

17:09
Nonetheless, putting aside the possibility of such an utter collapse of the front, the Ukrainians possibly can sustain these losses for a few more months. And for them, it is essential to keep Washington happy through the elections. That is a critical issue here, not what Kiev thinks for itself, but what they need to do to keep Washington in the game, so long as the Biden administration exists. So, I wouldn’t necessarily look for a resolution of this conflict on the ground in the next day, week, or even month ahead. It may go on further. What the Russians are making, very important gains. And I say that not based on my own judgment, since I’m not a military expert, or even based on the judgment of some of the guests that you have on your show, or in the Opposition with a capital O to the Washington narrative and to Washington’s conduct of foreign policy.

18:24
But I say that with reference to mainstream. I was listening to the the news on BBC this morning, BBC World, and their own man on the ground in Ukraine was saying precisely this, that yes it’s quite traumatic, what the Ukrainians have done taking this territory in Kursk, but they’ve made a very big gamble. And it could be a catastrophe awaiting them in Donetsk. So, but because they have deprived their forces along the line of confrontation, a thousand kilometer long line of confrontation, by opening a 160-kilometer additional line in Kursk. And they have taken the best, the most able, the most war-hardened elite troops from the 1,000 kilometers to put them into the 160 kilometers, thereby exposing themselves to a pummeling, to a very severe punishment in the main confrontation.

Alkhorshid: 19:34
The other thing that Zelensky said: that if we were able to use long-range missiles against Russia, we could go in another direction, not attacking this region, the Kursk region. And do you think that with the 2024 presidential election in the United States and the situation of the Democratic Party, do you think, are we getting to the situation that Washington says, then “You can use these long-range missiles to attack Russia in order to keep this war going and going and in order to have a better position in 2024 in this race in the United States”?

Doctorow: 20:18
Well, there are those who say that the response of the United States to Russian pending victory in Ukraine will be to so-called double down. They put it in those terms. I would like to go to the casino. And what you do at the roulette wheel is more than double down. You go what the French call va banque, you place all your money on the red or the black or the given number. And that’s what the United States is doing now, is playing a very high-risk game at the roulette wheel.

21:01
Where can this lead, and what value could long-range missiles, air-to-ground or ground-to-ground, do to save the situation for Ukraine? There has been discussion about Zelensky’s urgent appeals to the UK to make more of the Storm Shadow missiles. These are air-to-ground missiles that have been used for a year, more than a year, by Ukraine when they were placed, fitted onto, Soviet-vintage jets. They could also, of course, be fitted onto F-16s or any other fighters which the United States or its allies are now giving to Ukraine.

21:51
This is not new. I don’t mean to say the Storm Shadow has no value in enhancing the position of Ukrainian forces, but the Russians have already examined thoroughly the Storm Shadow. They’ve received debris from these missiles, they received whole missiles that were kind of war trophies. And they’ve studied them and they found effective counter means. So the Storm Shadow is only partially successful in getting through Russian air defences. I don’t see that as in any way a game changer, even if London were to do what Mr. Zelensky bids them and to send many more of these missiles, their own or French equivalent missiles to Kiev.

22:43
What is under discussion now and has not been widely talked about in Western media– but I have done my share to bring it to people’s attention– is a new missile that is being discussed between Washington and Kiev. It is in the series of stealth missiles. That’s to say, it is uniquely able to penetrate airspace undetected. The Russians– everything can be finally detected if you know what you’re doing– but the Russians have no experience with this, and it could take them some time to find a countermeasure. In the meantime, if these missiles were mounted on F-16s, which is what the story is, they could do a lot of damage to high-value assets of Russia and high value, not just a military purpose, but also in a public image. For example, the famous Kerch Bridge between mainland Russia and the Crimean Peninsula.

23:54
These possible devastating attacks would be intolerable for Russia, particularly since the missile that we’re talking about has two variants, one 400 kilometers, one 900 kilometers. 900 kilometers could, of course, take it when launched by an F-16 well into the center of Russia, into Moscow and beyond. These are nuclear capable. So from the Russian standpoint, their existence would be, in the hands of Ukrainians, would be totally unacceptable. For that reason, I have been following closely what Russians are saying on television. This is a kind of means of disseminating Kremlin views without their being officially attributed to Mr. Putin or his colleagues. And these very authoritative talk shows– I have in mind in particular, “The Great Game” that is headed by Vyacheslav Nikonov– their panelists have been saying for the last several days that Russia would respond to the delivery of such missiles to Ukraine and to their fitting on F-16s by destroying the air bases outside of Ukraine where these F-16s will be held.

25:18
And those air bases are in Moldova and in Romania, most likely. They could destroy them using conventional-tipped Iskander missiles, quite capable of doing that. But the latest talk is to bring in, to revive a Russian answer to NATO that was proposed about 15 months ago by a well-known political scientist in Russia, Sergei Karaganov. That is, by using tactical nuclear weapons to so frighten the West that they finally come to their senses and understand that by crossing Russian red lines they’re signing their own death warrant. I think it is feasible for purposes of sending a strongest message to Washington, to Berlin, to London, that if they proceed with escalation, they are proceeding directly to a nuclear war.

26:23
And so the war may take still a new stage if the missiles under discussion, JASSM, are given to Ukrainians for use on F-16s against Russia. That is something we’ll see in the next few weeks. Hopefully, the message that was aired on Russian television– and which I and a few others have been trying to disseminate to bring our compatriots to their senses in the West– hopefully that message is understood in the Pentagon and in the White House administration, and they will desist from this plan of escalation through the stealth type long-range missiles.

Alkhorshid: 27:19
How much of this attitude of doubling down is the production, is the reason, is the main, is the consequence of the 2024 presidential election in the United States? In your opinion, when this race in the United States is over, they’re going to change their attitude. They’re going to go the other way, or they’re going to do the same as they have been doing during more than two years?

If we assume, we don’t know right now, who’s going to win in the United States, Kamala Harris or Donald Trump. But at the end of the day, the main policy, these people who are behind the scenes, who are deciding about what would be the official policy of the United States toward Russia, are they going to, in your opinion, are they going to double down right after 2024 presidential election, or they’re going to change their attitude?

Doctorow: 28:19
Well, Mr. Trump said that the day after the election, if he wins, he will proceed to act as an honest broker and knock heads together in Kiev and Moscow to bring them together to conclude a peace. Well, that’s very ambitious and very improbable. Nonetheless, he’s saying that he would act immediately after the election, although according to tradition, he doesn’t have the right to do that, and could be brought to justice for violating the Constitution. But that’s a minor detail in America today.

28:59
As regards the other side, the Democratic camp, let’s remember that the administration, the outgoing administration is there, lame duck or not, until January. And that’s sufficient time for them to blow up the world. I wouldn’t be so sanguine to say, “Ah yes, if Kamala wins, they will throw everything into reverse and they’ll find some solution to the confrontation with Russia.” I very much doubt that. Kamala herself is not a foreign policy person. And she would be reliant, until further notice, on the same gang of incompetent warmongers as have led us for the last three and a half years.

29:49
So I’m not a believer that a democratic win in November will spare us the angst, the anxiety that we now should rightfully have about an escalation to nuclear war, because of current US policies of crossing every red line set down by Russia that they can find.

Alkhorshid: 30:21
One of the rhetorics right after this conflict started was how we can isolate Russia. And right now we see that Russia is managing going to North Korea, talking with Iran, China, right now Azerbaijan. And the way that the foreign policy of Russia is working in your opinion, what [are they] trying to do? When you look at the countries, the list of countries that Russia is trying to communicate with, mostly of the energy hubs– and I think we lost you, yeah. You’re back, you’re back.

31:03
Most of these countries are important in terms of energy, in terms of oil, and in your opinion, are they trying to manage the situation by managing the energy market?

Doctorow:
Well, that is one feature, yes. Let us remember, the energy market is important for a number of reasons. Hydrocarbons are the single biggest trading commodity in the world. And going back to the time when the United States came off the gold standard, and its currency became a fiat currency, and it reached an agreement with Saudi Arabia on the petrodollar, creation of the petrodollar, all trading, global trading in hydrocarbons has been dollar-denominated. And this has been a very important source of strength for United States economic domination, financial domination of the world.

32:06
The effort made by Russia, China, and a number of other countries– to rebalance the seating at the world’s board of directors and to allocate more equitably political power at the global level among all players– that is being fought out in a variety of ways, and one of them is in the de-dollarization. So the question of collaboration and cooperation with major hydrocarbon producers is something which has its own merit, but it also exists for the bigger purpose of de-dollarization and agreement with countries that have vast economic resources, have vast currency resources.

33:05
These, I’m speaking now of the Gulf states, whether they, any given Gulf state, like the United Arab Emirates, is or is not a producer of hydrocarbons, they are repositories of vast amounts of wealth. And so you have a number of reasons why these hydrocarbon, whether it’s petroleum or gas producers, are among the first priority allies, talking partners and then allies of Russia as it reaches out to the world.

33:45
However, and the visit to Azerbaijan of Mr. Putin on the state visit the last two days highlighted Russia’s interest in promoting the candidacy of this important hydrocarbon producer at the next meeting of the BRICS in Kazan in October. But the BRICS membership, which is really Russia’s leading edge in its outreach to the global south, that takes in a number of very powerful and populous countries, aside from the Middle East. I have in mind now, I think there will be a large effort to bring in powerful Southeast Asian countries like Indonesia, and like Malaysia, in the next round, in this coming round of the BRICS summits.

34:55
The, as I say, BRICS, together with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Eurasian economic institutions. These are the constructs that Moscow is using to keep alive its diplomatic, financial and other relationships with the world at large in the face of all of the United States’ efforts to isolate Russia and to present it as a pariah state.

Alkhorshid: 35:31
How does Russia see the color revolution in Bangladesh? In your opinion, is that important in the eyes of Russians?

Doctorow:
Well, it is important. At the last St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh was a guest of honor. And in the meetings that she had with her delegation and Russian ministries, I believe that they signed off an agreement on building a nuclear power station in Bangladesh. There were a number of economic projects of considerable importance. So, the fact that she has been chased out, she was forced to flee to India, is of great interest to Russia.

36:20
And the United States is crowing about it, of course, in the same way that following the 2014 Winter Olympics in Russia, officials in Washington were crowing, that “Yes, Russia had just captured a lot of gold at the Olympics, and we just bagged one more country, the Ukraine.” This kind of a project, juvenile as it is, is representative of thinking of all too many people in the governing elites in Washington.

Alkhorshid: 36:59
Don’t you think that this attitude of having a color revolution in a country, in Bangladesh, that is, the government was pro-India; and right now don’t you think this type of activity would just push India into the arms of Russians and Chinese and just getting closer to each other?

Doctorow:
Yes, you’re very right in pointing this out. The initial reaction in India, official reaction, was satisfaction that they would profit from the change, which was very short-lived. The new regime, the incoming regime in Bangladesh very quickly established that is no friend of India. And so, as you just said, the Indians are scrambling now to see what they can do about it, to preserve their interests. And this sets them further apart from the United States, because anyone in the region knows very well that the big villain of the piece is the United States.

Alkhorshid: 38:09
And Bangladesh is part of the Belt and Road Initiative. That’s important for China as well. That makes– how Washington is, the policy is just bringing everybody together against what?

Doctorow:
Well, these people who are running the show have such hubris and such confidence that the United States, by sheer force and threat of force, can dominate the world and to get everyone to do its bidding. This not has not yet been been changed. I don’t know what it would take for the elites in the United States. This is elites, not just in in civic society, civil society, but in both in both houses of Congress, and in both parties in Congress. They do not see the handwriting on the wall, they don’t want to, trhat the United States is losing its grip, its control over the majority of countries and of the greatest share of wealth-producing countries on the globe.

39:25
It is losing it. But they don’t see that yet. I don’t know what it would take to bring them to their senses. But I don’t wish for it, because it looks very much like a nuclear war, the way we’re changing. And it would be of such destruction that none of us could have a last laugh.

Alkhorshid:
Thank you so much, Gilbert, for being with us today. Great pleasure as always.

Doctorow:
Well, it is my pleasure, and I wish you continuous success, because it’s very important what you are doing.

Alkhorshid: 40:01
Thank you.

Can the Ukrainian invasion of Kursk province destabilize Russia?

Can the Ukrainian invasion of Kursk province destabilize Russia?

Regrettably, Americans, including the elites running the government, are so dismissive of the culture and historical experience of other countries that the operating assumptions behind many of Washington’s foreign moves are dead wrong. Is it any wonder that policies built on sand go awry?

I direct attention to the view widely held by numerous pundits in the media and probably traceable back to hand-outs they received from the State Department that Zelensky’s incursion, now invasion of the Kursk province (oblast) of the Russian Federation dealt a grave humiliation to Vladimir Putin, showing up as it did that Russian defenses are flimsy and that the Kremlin cannot provide proper security for its citizenry.  We find this not only in print media but also on such broadcasters as the BBC whose Moscow bureau chief Steve Rosenberg ran a series of interviews a couple of days ago pointing to Putin’s loss of stature as a result of the Ukrainian capture of 1,000 square kilometers (now 1,200 sq.km) of territory within Russia’s universally recognized borders. It is widely believed that if Putin fails to hold up his side of the bargain with the Russian people in a supposed exchange of freedom for security, then he will be overthrown. Such turmoil within Russia would provide opportunities for the West to reassert its control over the big neighbor to the East. 

Then as a contributing factor to some hoped-for collapse of popular support for the ‘Putin regime’ Western commentators are counting on a revolt of Russian mothers over their drafted sons finding themselves under enemy fire, as some are now in Kursk, given the promises from the Kremlin at the start of the Special Military Operation that conscripted young me would not be doing any fighting.  Of course, that promise was undone when the Ukrainians marched into Russia proper and brought war precisely to the young draftees.

The problem with these evaluations of the Russian popular mood is that they totally ignore what we know from Russian history.

We can talk about the sharp rise in patriotism in Russia and readiness for self-sacrifice of the broad population that came in June 1941 when Hitler invaded the Soviet Union, a surge that lasted the duration of World War II.  But let us go back further in time to Napoleon’s invasion of 1812.

An excellent book on the subject was published in 2009 by the man I consider to be the greatest living historian of tsarist Russia in the West, Dominic Lieven, entitled Russia Against Napoleon: The Battle for Europe, 1807 to 1814. T.  The book was prepared for the bicentary commemoration of the war and was remarkable for the author’s extensive and productive use of Russian archives. But Lieven set for himself broader tasks than sharing his archival findings on the Russian reserves of horses for the cavalry, important as that was given that the cavalry was the tank column of the day. He also looked at the war from the perspective of its greatest Russian chronicler, Lev Tolstoy, whose War and Peace profited from the novelist’s conversations with still living Russian veterans of the Napoleonic wars.

The point Lieven was making is that precisely the invasion of Russian heartland by Napoleon in 1812 gave the more than 15 year intermittent fighting between ancien régime Russia and revolutionary France a wholly different character from what preceded and what followed 1812. Before1812, the battles between the tsar’s armies and the French armies were fought in Central Europe alongside Alexander’s allies Prussia and Austria in accordance with the rules of war that had been practiced in the 18th century between rival empires or nation states. This period gets rather cursory treatment by Tolstoy because it was not of passionate interest to his readers. The fight to free their invaded country in 1812 was of a wholly different nature, being a war of national liberation with a great deal of fighting by irregulars, or what we would today call partisans. This period constitutes the bulk of War and Peace. For the same reasons, Tolstoy ended his novel with the expulsion of the French and their allied troops from the Russian land. There was no follow-up to 1815 and Waterloo, because this was not of great interest to the Russian reader.

Moving this observation to our present day, we may say that the Special Military Operation has enjoyed some degree of popular support in Russia insofar as its mission was explained not in geopolitical terms but in terms of support for the Russian speaking population first of Donbas (Donetsk and Lugansk), and then also of Novorossiya (Kherson and Zaporozhiye oblasts).  We may liken this to the military support of the Russian noble classes for fellow Orthodox Balkan peoples in the last quarter of the 19th century during their wars of liberation from Ottoman Turkey. This was an enthusiasm mainly shared, as I say, among Russian noblemen and the best educated strata, not among the entire Russian nation.  The equivalent SMO sign-up of volunteers to fight against Ukraine that has been running at 30,000 per month for more than a year is noteworthy but not only as a display of patriotism. A significant factor has been the large financial incentives offered to the new kontraktniki, reaching presently to as much as the ruble equivalent of 10,000 euros at sign-up plus handsome pay during the stay on the field of combat. For many ‘volunteers,’ this is more money than they have ever seen in their lives.

What the Ukrainian incursion, now described in Russia as a NATO invasion of their country because it  is being guided by NATO officers, is doing is to generate a far deeper surge of patriotism for the purposes of defending their own homes and driving out invaders. There is, correspondingly, an uptick in volunteers signing up to fight and we may expect that the Russian nation will rally around Putin and his government with still greater gusto. The ‘war economy’ will surely spread further out in society.

I am not surprised that Russia has been slow to stage its counter-move in Kursk even as it steps up its offensive in the Donbas theater, where it is making substantial daily progress by capturing key logistical centers of the Ukrainian front around Pokrovsk. It is a good moment for Russia to make a breakthrough on the main line of confrontation, and to let the new 160 km long front in Kursk stagnate for a while as it generates ever higher levels of popular commitment to the war effort. At the moment of its choosing, Russia will bring down the sledgehammer on Ukrainian troops inside Kursk and recover its control over its borders.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Kann der ukrainische Einmarsch in die Provinz Kursk Russland destabilisieren?

Bedauerlicherweise sind die Amerikaner, einschließlich der Eliten, die die Regierung leiten, so abweisend gegenüber der Kultur und den historischen Erfahrungen anderer Länder, dass die Annahmen, die hinter vielen außenpolitischen Maßnahmen Washingtons stehen, völlig falsch sind. Ist es da ein Wunder, dass eine Politik, die auf Sand gebaut ist, schief geht?

Ich verweise auf die in den Medien weit verbreitete Ansicht zahlreicher Experten, die wahrscheinlich auf die vom US-Außenministerium erhaltenen Stellungnahmen zurückzuführen ist, dass Zelenskis Einmarsch in die Provinz (Oblast) Kursk der Russischen Föderation eine schwere Demütigung für Wladimir Putin dargestellt habe, da er gezeigt habe, dass die russische Verteidigung schwach sei und der Kreml nicht in der Lage sei, die Sicherheit seiner Bürger zu gewährleisten. Wir finden dies nicht nur in den Printmedien, sondern auch in Sendern wie der BBC, deren Moskauer Büroleiter Steve Rosenberg vor einigen Tagen eine Reihe von Interviews gab, in denen er auf Putins Staturverlust infolge der ukrainischen Eroberung von 1.000 Quadratkilometern (jetzt 1.200 Quadratkilometer) Territorium innerhalb der allgemein anerkannten Grenzen Russlands hinwies. Es herrscht die weit verbreitete Meinung, dass Putin gestürzt wird, wenn er seinen Teil der Abmachung mit dem russischen Volk im angeblichen Tausch von Freiheit gegen Sicherheit nicht einhält. Ein solcher Aufruhr innerhalb Russlands würde dem Westen die Möglichkeit bieten, seine Kontrolle über den großen Nachbarn im Osten wiederzuerlangen.

Westliche Kommentatoren rechnen mit einer Revolte russischer Mütter, wenn ihre eingezogenen Söhne unter feindlichen Beschuss geraten, wie jetzt in Kursk, da der Kreml zu Beginn der Militäroperation versprochen hatte, dass die einberufenen jungen Männer nicht kämpfen würden. Natürlich wurde dieses Versprechen nicht eingehalten, als die Ukrainer in Russland einmarschiert sind und den Krieg genau zu den jungen Wehrpflichtigen brachten.

Das Problem bei diesen Einschätzungen der russischen Volksstimmung ist, dass sie völlig außer Acht lassen, was wir aus der russischen Geschichte wissen.

Wir können über den starken Anstieg des Patriotismus in Russland und der Bereitschaft zur Selbstaufopferung der breiten Bevölkerung sprechen, der im Juni 1941 mit dem Überfall Hitlers auf die Sowjetunion einsetzte und der den gesamten Zweiten Weltkrieg andauerte. Aber gehen wir noch weiter zurück bis zur Invasion Napoleons im Jahr 1812.

Ein ausgezeichnetes Buch zu diesem Thema wurde 2009 von Dominic Lieven veröffentlicht, den ich für den größten lebenden Historiker des zaristischen Russlands im Westen halte, mit dem Titel Russia Against Napoleon (deutsche Ausgabe: “Russland gegen Napoleon: Die Schlacht um Europa 1807 bis 1814”). Das Buch wurde zum zweihundertjährigen Gedenken an den Krieg verfasst und zeichnet sich durch die umfangreiche und produktive Nutzung der russischen Archive durch den Autor aus. Lieven stellte sich jedoch nicht nur die Aufgabe, seine archivarischen Erkenntnisse über die russischen Pferdereserven für die Kavallerie mitzuteilen, die angesichts der Tatsache, dass die Kavallerie die Panzerkolonne der Zeit war, von großer Bedeutung waren. Er betrachtete den Krieg auch aus der Perspektive seines größten russischen Chronisten, Lew Tolstoi, dessen Krieg und Frieden von den Gesprächen des Schriftstellers mit noch lebenden russischen Veteranen der napoleonischen Kriege profitierte.

Lieven’s Argument war, dass gerade der Einmarsch Napoleons in das russische Kernland im Jahr 1812 den mehr als 15 Jahre andauernden Kämpfen zwischen dem Russland des Ancien Régime und dem revolutionären Frankreich einen völlig anderen Charakter verlieh als das, was dem Jahr 1812 vorausging und folgte. Vor 1812 wurden die Kämpfe zwischen den Armeen des Zaren und den französischen Armeen in Mitteleuropa an der Seite von Alexanders Verbündeten Preußen und Österreich nach den Kriegsregeln ausgetragen, die im 18. Jahrhundert zwischen rivalisierenden Imperien oder Nationalstaaten üblich waren. Diese Periode wird von Tolstoi eher oberflächlich behandelt, weil sie für seine Leser nicht von leidenschaftlichem Interesse war. Der Kampf um die Befreiung ihres überfallenen Landes im Jahr 1812 war von ganz anderer Natur, es war ein nationaler Befreiungskrieg mit einem großen Anteil an Kämpfen von Freischärlern oder dem, was wir heute Partisanen nennen würden. Dieser Zeitraum bildet den Hauptteil von Krieg und Frieden. Aus denselben Gründen beendete Tolstoi seinen Roman mit der Vertreibung der Franzosen und ihrer verbündeten Truppen aus dem russischen Land. Es gab keine Fortsetzung von 1815 und Waterloo, weil dies für den russischen Leser nicht von großem Interesse war.

Wenn wir diese Beobachtung auf die heutige Zeit übertragen, können wir sagen, dass die militärische Sonderoperation in gewissem Maße die Unterstützung der Bevölkerung in Russland genossen hat, da ihre Mission nicht in geopolitischer Hinsicht, sondern im Hinblick auf die Unterstützung der russischsprachigen Bevölkerung zunächst im Donbass (Donezk und Lugansk) und dann auch in Noworossija (Oblasts Cherson und Saporoshije) erklärt wurde. Man kann dies mit der militärischen Unterstützung des russischen Adels für die orthodoxen Balkanvölker im letzten Viertel des 19. Jahrhunderts während ihrer Befreiungskriege von der osmanischen Türkei vergleichen. Dieser Enthusiasmus wurde, wie gesagt, hauptsächlich vom russischen Adel und den besten gebildeten Schichten geteilt, nicht von der gesamten russischen Nation. Die entsprechenden Anmeldungen von Freiwilligen für den Kampf gegen die Ukraine, die seit mehr als einem Jahr monatlich 30.000 betragen, sind bemerkenswert, aber nicht nur als Ausdruck von Patriotismus. Ein wichtiger Faktor sind die hohen finanziellen Anreize, die den neuen kontraktniki geboten werden und die derzeit bis zu einem Rubeläquivalent von 10.000 Euro bei der Anmeldung reichen, zuzüglich einer ansehnlichen Vergütung während des Aufenthalts auf dem Schlachtfeld. Für viele „Freiwillige“ ist dies mehr Geld, als sie je in ihrem Leben gesehen haben.

Der ukrainische Einmarsch, der in Russland inzwischen als NATO-Invasion in das Land bezeichnet wird, weil er von NATO-Offizieren geführt wird, führt zu einem weitaus stärkeren Patriotismus, um die eigene Heimat zu verteidigen und die Eindringlinge zu vertreiben. Dementsprechend steigt die Zahl der Freiwilligen, die sich zum Kampf melden, und es ist zu erwarten, dass sich die russische Nation mit noch größerer Begeisterung hinter Putin und seine Regierung stellen wird. Die „Kriegswirtschaft“ wird sich sicherlich weiter in der Gesellschaft ausbreiten.

Es überrascht mich nicht, dass Russland seinen Gegenzug in Kursk nur langsam in die Wege leitet, während es seine Offensive im Donbass verstärkt, wo es mit der Einnahme wichtiger logistischer Zentren der ukrainischen Front um Pokrowsk täglich erhebliche Fortschritte macht. Dies ist ein guter Moment für Russland, um einen Durchbruch an der Hauptkonfrontationslinie zu erzielen und die neue 160 km lange Front in Kursk für eine Weile stagnieren zu lassen, während es ein immer größeres Engagement der Bevölkerung für die Kriegsanstrengungen erzeugt. Zu einem von Russland gewählten Zeitpunkt wird es die ukrainischen Truppen in Kursk mit dem Vorschlaghammer angreifen und die Kontrolle über seine Grenzen zurückgewinnen.