WION, India’s premier English-language global broadcaster, takes a stand on Israel’s assault on Rafah

Events of global importance are rushing at us daily not only in the Russia-NATO confrontation over Ukraine. Developments in and over Gaza are also vying for our attention and are demanding commentary from ‘talking heads.’

I am not an expert on Israeli and West Asian affairs, though I am deeply immersed in what genuine experts in that field are saying hour by hour, day by day.  Moreover, the commonality of the destructive leading role of the USA in both Ukraine and Gaza encourages me to accept invitations from responsible and widely viewed broadcasters like WION as I did yesterday at midday.

See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nv77wAv-WHA

I call attention to the way the Indian presenter conducted this interview. He, and presumably the production team standing behind him, know the facts of the case perfectly well and have reached their own conclusions. The interviewee, myself, is being questioned so as to showcase these conclusions through their confirmation by an outside expert.

By the way, the presenter’s introduction places me in Brussels, whereas in fact, I remain in St Petersburg, Russia until 14 May.

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus) followed by transcript in English

WION, Indiens wichtigster englischsprachiger Sender, bezieht Stellung zu Israels Angriff auf Rafah

Nicht nur in der Konfrontation zwischen Russland und der NATO über die Ukraine überschlagen sich täglich Ereignisse von globaler Bedeutung. Auch die Entwicklungen im und um den Gazastreifen wetteifern um unsere Aufmerksamkeit und verlangen nach Kommentaren von „Talking Heads“.

Ich bin kein Experte für israelische und westasiatische Angelegenheiten, obwohl ich mich intensiv mit dem beschäftige, was echte Experten auf diesem Gebiet Stunde für Stunde, Tag für Tag sagen. Darüber hinaus ermutigt mich die Gemeinsamkeit der zerstörerischen Führungsrolle der USA sowohl in der Ukraine als auch im Gazastreifen dazu, Einladungen von verantwortungsvollen und viel beachteten Sendern wie WION anzunehmen, wie ich es gestern Mittag getan habe.

Siehe https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nv77wAv-WHA

Ich weise auf die Art und Weise hin, wie der indische Moderator dieses Interview geführt hat. Er und vermutlich auch das Produktionsteam, das hinter ihm steht, kennen den Sachverhalt genau und sind zu ihren eigenen Schlussfolgerungen gelangt. Die befragte Person, also ich, wird befragt, um diese Schlussfolgerungen durch die Bestätigung eines externen Experten in Szene zu setzen.

In der Einleitung des Moderators werde ich übrigens in Brüssel verortet, während ich mich in Wirklichkeit bis zum 14. Mai in St. Petersburg, Russland, aufhalte.

Transcription below by a reader

Anchor: 0:02
The Israeli offensive in Gaza has gone on for more than 200 days, with the Palestinian enclave now having been reduced virtually to rubble. While the declared objectives of both sides have not been achieved, let’s in fact take a look as to what is known so far in this Israeli offensive.

So let’s start with a phase one of a truce proposal. The Egyptian-Qatari agreement demands for a temporary cessation of hostilities between Hamas and Israel. This of course has been the go-to phrase, “temporary cessation of hostilities”. Now the agreement also demands for the withdrawal of Israeli forces to the east, away from the more densely populated areas of Gaza, and towards the border between Israel and the Palestinian enclave. Now the Israeli airplanes and drones would also stop flying over Gaza for at least about 10 hours every day, and for 12 hours on the days when the captives are released. Hamas would then gradually release about 33 Israeli captives; and for every civilian that Hamas lets go to walk, Israel will have to release about 30 Palestinian civilians who at this moment are detained in Israeli prisons. Now for every Israeli soldier, woman soldier, who was captured and who will now be released by Hamas, Israel will have to release about 50 Palestinian prisoners.

1:21
And then, in the second phase of the truce proposal, there would be a permanent end to Israel’s military operations and also for a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza. There would also be another prisoner swap, this time involving all the remaining Israeli men, including the soldiers held captive in the Gaza Strip. The Israelis would be released in return [for] a yet-unspecified number of Palestinian prisoners.

The third phase would see an exchange of the remains of captives and prisoners held by both sides. On the development side this phase would also involve a three- to five-year reconstruction period for Gaza and perhaps more significantly, an end to the Israeli blockade of the Palestinian enclave, that they’ve put in a blockade ever since 2006.

2:05
Now Israel has said that it does not agree to the proposal, but that it will engage in further talks to try and secure an agreement. And this all the while pushing on with its assault on the Gaza Strip. Let’s also take a look as to what is currently happening in Rafah. Rafah is Gaza’s southernmost city and governorate. It borders Egypt. And before the war, Rafah had a population of about 275,000 people. And now, according to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for the Palestinian refugees, there are 1.4 million Palestinians who sought shelter there, and half of them are said to be children.

2:42
An Israeli army spokesperson has said that it is evacuating about a hundred thousand Palestinians from Rafah. While the Palestinians have been asked to evacuate, the big question of course is: where have they been told to go? Now according to the IDF forces, this of course is the area, the one that you’re seeing in the red, [that] is the place where Palestinians have been asked to flee. This is Al-Mawas, and this displacement, according to the Israelis, will be temporary. Now there were airdrop leaflets that stated that residents living in Rafah must immediately flee to Al Mawas. And this is what is happening at this moment, saying– where the Israelis have further said that if people stay on in Rafah, then they are putting their own lives at risk. About 40,000 tents, which can each accommodate about 12 people, have been built in the Khan Yunis area, for people who will have to flee from Rafah.

3:32
Israel will also withdraw the Nahal Brigade from the Netzaim corridor, which cuts across Gaza, dividing it into northern and southern sections, and is now redeploying about six brigades with about 3,000 to 5,000 soldiers each to a base near Rafah. And according to various reports, the operation will be conducted with artillery, air and naval support, plus electromagnetic and intelligence operations that likely last many months.

3:57
Now, to discuss this and much more, and also the consequences of what an offensive on Rafah would, of course, mean, we’re being joined by Dr Gilbert Doktorow, who’s an author, historian and a political commentator, and is joining us live from [Petersburg]. Now, Dr Doktorow, this is a crucial moment in this war. We’ve been talking about it for the last seven months. And now Israel has begun, we’re given to understand, sending in its tanks. It has also, at this moment, taken control of the crossing, the Rafah border crossing with Egypt. You know, tell us what this military operation would actually mean. The United Nations has described it as going to be a catastrophic operation if it goes ahead.

Doctorow: 4:37
I think the emphasis has to be put on your last words, “if it goes ahead”. The Israelis are positioning themselves to apply maximum pressure on Hamas to accept a minimum of advantages coming from a ceasefire and exchange of hostages or prisoners. This is the obvious point. Israel, Mr Netanyahu, wishes to present itself as the victor, as the ones dictating the terms of any ceasefire and of any ultimate settlement of the Gaza war. At the same time, behind this facade, there is a different reality. And that reality is the position taken by the United States in the last few days. The United States military assistance and continuing supply of weaponry to Israel is a necessary precondition for Israel to prosecute the attack on Rafah that it is now talking about so loudly.

Anchor: 5:46
So the question that I want to ask you is obviously this: I mean, the Israelis have been taking part in these negotiations for a truce deal to try and get hostages back. There have been protests that have been going on, you know across the state of Israel, where family members of those who have been taken into custody by Hamas, they’re demanding that Netanyahu must strike a truce deal. Do you think Netanyahu has shown enough sincerity in actually going ahead with the negotiations to secure the release of the Israeli hostages who for seven months have been in the Gaza Strip?

Doctorow: 6:19
Sincerity and Mr Netanyahu are not compatible terms. This is true of politicians in general. It comes with the trade. But Mr Netanyahu is a special case. And by that I mean: his lies and his distortion of the realities for the sake of Israeli aggrandizement are unprecedented. Now, the real question is not the sincerity of Mr Netanyahu, nor is it the sincerity of Joe Biden. Joe Biden is not a Boy Scout either. But what we really are talking about is the ability of Mr Biden to tolerate any further atrocities by Israel in the Gaza Strip, considering the domestic political situation in the United States.

Anchor: 7:18
And it’s interesting that you have brought in the role that is played by the United States of America. Although we talk about it as being an Israeli offensive, the fact is, this is essentially an offensive that Israel is carrying out with American weapons. And the scale of the American involvement in this offensive is something that is not appreciated. The Israelis are using American weapons, the Israelis are using American intelligence, American satellites, and also American data on which targets to strike next.

With that being the scale of the American involvement, and also looking at the protests that have broken out, do you think this war will cause Joe Biden to pay a political price in the presidential elections?

Doctorow: 7:57
It is precisely to avoid paying that price that Biden is reportedly telling Netanyahu, “The game is up. And if you proceed with this offensive that you are talking about so loudly, you will not have American weapons, which means you will fail badly.” The reason for Mr Biden’s position has nothing to do with humanitarian concerns. The man is callous and is morally in the same camp as Mr Netanyahu. The issue is political survival, and the recent student university demonstrations have shown that Biden cannot win the election if this continues as it has, and if he is not showing some resistance to the atrocities of the Israelis.

Anchor: 8:47
All right. We’ll have to leave it there. Thank you very much indeed, Dr Doctorow, for joining us and giving us that perspective there.

Doctorow:
Thank you.

Travel Notes, St Petersburg, April-May 2024: second installment

When our Moscow friends visited us in our Pushkin apartment several days ago, Lyudmila gazed out the balcony windows at the green field opposite us, but thinking more likely of the Catherine Park on the other side of our residential complex, commented that it was a pity we spend so little time here and that we miss the summers when it would be especially delightful.

I responded that it is precisely the summers that we prefer to miss, because Nature exists most everywhere but the concentration of High Culture that you have in Petersburg is available only in a very few cities in the world, and this High Culture, in its performing arts dimension, shuts down in summers and comes alive in mid-autumn, running to late spring. That is the time period during which we schedule our trips to Petersburg.

Two days ago we had our first tasting session of this Petersburg High Culture when we went to see a play in the Alexandrinsky National Drama Theater, an historic building just next to the city’s main boulevard, the Nevsky Prospekt in the very center of the city. But it was not the finely renovated building or the well turned out young ladies who constituted a substantial and very noticeable part of the audience that made the evening memorable. It was the remarkable play that we saw, The Birth of Stalin, written and stage managed by the theater’s director Valery Fokin. This play first premiered in 2019 but is still drawing a full house.

There are many academics and journalists in the West who tell us that there is a revival of Stalinism in Russia, for which they, naturally, blame the current ‘dictator’ Vladimir Putin. However, this is just ignorant blather. The Birth of Stalin puts the lie to their slander. The overarching view of Stalin and his fellow revolutionaries in Georgia is that expressed by Fyodor Dostoevsky in his novel The Demons: they were rats, despicable immoral rats.

The play is about how the seminary student in the Georgian city of Gori,  Iosif Dzhugashvili, “Soso” as he was called, a fellow with outstanding grades in the Old and New Testament, became the tyrant we know as Stalin. The time period for this transformation is from his leading a terror attack on banks to finance the Revolution that killed dozens of gendarmes up to the time of his arrest and domestic exile. The dialogues direct attention to his cruelty and to how he put himself in the place of God.  As Fokin explained in an interview: Stalin saw the Revolution as the highest form of justice. “I was captivated at how for this sake he overstepped all bounds and began to kill supposed enemies, then to kill friends, and then to kill everyone. That is what is so frightening.”

  Our evening of drama was exceptional for us, since we are devotees of opera, an art form for which Petersburg is one of the most important homes globally.  Quality is generally assured by the city’s celebrated conductors, singers and orchestras. What raises all this to a higher plateau is quantity.  Petersburg is one of the few cities in Europe which has repertory opera houses, meaning that a show is going on stage every evening. That contrasts with the stagione system that is commonplace in Western Europe, where a given theater presents a given number of operas each season and they are performed for several weeks straight followed by a fallow period before the next opera is put on.

Petersburg has a world famous company in the Mariinsky Theater, which itself has three venues – the original 19th century building, the Mariinsky II, a theater built and put into operation early in this century, and a concert hall which is used to present operas without stage sets and costumes.  On any given day all three have shows, and on occasion there may be both an afternoon and an evening performance on offer.

Moreover, the Mariinsky is not the only major company in the city. There is also the Maly Opera Theater, which puts on some excellent productions and has its own audience, which may be described as wealthier and less tradition minded. The Mariinsky, by contrast, reaches out to all strata of Petersburg society with special concessionary prices for young people, for seniors, and so on.

It is not my intention to turn this edition of Travel Notes into a review of the operas and one operetta for which I procured tickets on this visit. However, I do intend to describe how leading institutions of High Culture are faring in this city under conditions of “cancel Russia” imposed by the West ever since the launch of the Special Military Operation in Ukraine.

In Western Europe, the most vicious forms of “cancel Russia” are waning. Some Russian performers like opera star Anna Netrebko are again being invited to leading stages. But foreign tours in the West by leading Russian companies remain unthinkable, and artists based in the West are very, very rare birds here now.

Nonetheless, my overriding impression is that Russian opera, at least, has reached the level of ‘sovereignty’ that Mr Putin is seeking for the country as a whole. It is self-sufficient and can offer the concert going public first quality performances from its own human resources without invited guests from abroad. Let me be more specific:  over the past thirty years, Russia’s trainers for the stage have brought local talent up to world standards. The young singers who now take the stage at the Mariinsky are in full command of the technique of Italian opera, for example.

The days of the “Slavic warblers” are gone. The days when shop-worn, over-aged Western stars that were brought here in the 1990s to entice snobs to buy opera seats are also gone. I think, for example, of how Montserrat Caballé was brought out of retirement to perform in Moscow and Petersburg back in the 1990s when her voice was in rather sad shape.

Big name Russian stars of retirement age are also no longer needed to sell seats. The performance of Aida which I saw the other night at the Mariinsky had singers for Aida and Amneris who were making their debut in these roles. Their names told us nothing. But they possessed outstanding technique and big voices that could fill The Met.

If I was drawn to that show, which used a 15 year old staging by a Petersburg stage manager whom you have never heard of but who happens to be a friend of ours, it was because the conductor of the evening was one of those brave and dedicated musicians, originally from America, but long based in Russia, Christian Knapp.  His direction is world class and we knew he would work only with a quality cast, which was the case. I urge readers to read Knapp’s biography in his Wikipedia entry. The man is extraordinary, and it is a credit to both him and to the Mariinsky management that he has chosen to remain here despite all the curses that must be directed against him by Western culture warriors.

Though the vintage staging may seem quaint, apart from the top rate singing of all the lead performers, there was one feature of the show that puts it head and shoulders above the Aida that you are likely to see anywhere in the West: the dancing.  Those of you who are familiar with Aida know that there are large interludes for dance in the score, especially in the scene of the victorious returning Egyptian army. In most opera theaters these sections are either cut back or accompanied by videos since they have no dancers on tap. The Mariinsky is one of the few opera houses in the world that is also home to one of the best ballet companies in the world and its talents are used extensively in this Aida to great advantage.  Moreover, the traditions of Russian dance steps going back to the early 20th century are inserted, including a dance sequence that Ballets Russes impresario Diaghilev would be proud of, drawing as it does on his chief choreographer for a time, Mikhail Fokin.

In the performance of Rigoletto that I saw in Mariinsky-2, it was, on the contrary, the widely known and highly regarded Mongolian baritone Ariunbaator Ganbaatur in the lead role that persuaded me to buy a ticket, not the little known but effective local conductor, whose name was revealed only on the day of the performance.

 As for Ganbaatur, who bears the title ‘invited soloist’ in the Mariinsky, where he made his debut in 2016, he would  be known to Western music lovers as the winner of the BBC Singer of the World competition in Cardiff, Wales in 2017 and before that, in 2015 he took gold at the Tchaikovsky Competition in Moscow. With soloists like this in their midst, Russian opera houses will keep their luster for years to come whatever arbiters of taste may say or do in New York or Washington.

My point here is that over the thirty years up to the recent rupture of relations, the Russians drew from the West what was needed to update their performance skills so that they can go it alone for as long as necessary, until the West comes to its senses and restores ties.

Ahead of me before departure for Belgium, I will have the opportunity to sample Russian singing at one notch below full opera when I hear Kalman’s operetta Princess Csardas at the Theater of Musical Comedy.  That genre is another local tradition which goes back far in time and is doing fine today.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Reisenotizen, St. Petersburg, April-Mai 2024: zweite Tranche

Als unsere Moskauer Freunde uns vor einigen Tagen in unserer Puschkin-Wohnung besuchten, blickte Ljudmila aus dem Balkonfenster auf die grüne Wiese gegenüber, dachte aber eher an den Katharinenpark auf der anderen Seite unseres Wohnkomplexes und meinte, es sei schade, dass wir so wenig Zeit hier verbringen und dass wir die Sommer vermissen, in denen es besonders schön wäre.

Ich entgegnete, dass es gerade die Sommer sind, die wir lieber verpassen, weil es die Natur fast überall gibt, aber die Konzentration von Hochkultur, die Sie in Petersburg haben, gibt es nur in sehr wenigen Städten auf der Welt, und diese Hochkultur, in ihrer Dimension der darstellenden Künste, macht im Sommer zu und erwacht in der Mitte des Herbstes, der in den späten Frühling übergeht, zum Leben. Das ist der Zeitraum, in dem wir unsere Reisen nach Petersburg planen.

Vor zwei Tagen hatten wir unsere erste Kostprobe dieser Petersburger Hochkultur, als wir ein Stück im Nationalen Alexandrinsky Schauspielhaus gesehen haben, einem historischen Gebäude direkt neben dem Hauptboulevard der Stadt, dem Newski-Prospekt, im Zentrum der Stadt. Aber es waren nicht das schön renovierte Gebäude oder die gut gekleideten jungen Damen, die einen wesentlichen und sehr auffälligen Teil des Publikums ausgemacht haben, die den Abend unvergesslich machten. Es war das bemerkenswerte Stück, das wir sahen, The Birth of Stalin (Die Geburt von Stalin), geschrieben und inszeniert vom Theaterdirektor Valery Fokin. Das Stück wurde 2019 uraufgeführt, ist aber immer noch ausverkauft.

Es gibt viele Wissenschaftler und Journalisten im Westen, die uns erzählen, dass es in Russland ein Wiederaufleben des Stalinismus gebe, wofür sie natürlich den derzeitigen „Diktator“ Wladimir Putin verantwortlich machen. Das ist jedoch nur ignorantes Geschwätz. The Birth of Stalin widerlegt diese Verleumdungen. Die übergreifende Sichtweise auf Stalin und seine Mitrevolutionäre in Georgien ist diejenige, die Fjodor Dostojewski in seinem Roman Die Dämonen zum Ausdruck gebracht hat: Sie waren Ratten, verachtenswerte unmoralische Ratten.

Das Stück handelt davon, wie aus dem Seminarschüler in der georgischen Stadt Gori, Iosif Dzhugashvili, „Soso“, wie er genannt wurde, ein Bursche mit hervorragenden Noten im Alten und Neuen Testament, der Tyrann wurde, den wir als Stalin kennen. Die Zeitspanne für diese Verwandlung reicht von seinem Terroranschlag auf Banken zur Finanzierung der Revolution, bei dem Dutzende von Gendarmen getötet wurden, bis zu seiner Verhaftung und seinem heimischen Exil. Die Dialoge lenken die Aufmerksamkeit auf seine Grausamkeit und darauf, wie er sich selbst an die Stelle von Gott setzte. Wie Fokin in einem Interview erklärte: Stalin betrachtete die Revolution als die höchste Form der Gerechtigkeit. „Ich war fasziniert davon, wie er um dieser Sache willen alle Grenzen überschritt und begann, vermeintliche Feinde, dann Freunde und schließlich alle zu töten. Das ist es, was so erschreckend ist.“

Unser Theaterabend war für uns etwas Besonderes, denn wir sind Liebhaber der Oper, einer Kunstform, für die Petersburg weltweit eine der wichtigsten Heimstätten ist. Die Qualität wird im Allgemeinen durch die berühmten Dirigenten, Sänger und Orchester der Stadt gewährleistet. Was all dies auf ein höheres Niveau hebt, ist die Quantität. Petersburg ist eine der wenigen Städte in Europa, die über Repertoire-Opernhäuser verfügen, was bedeutet, dass jeden Abend eine Vorstellung auf der Bühne stattfindet. Dies steht im Gegensatz zu dem in Westeuropa üblichen Stagionesystem, bei dem ein bestimmtes Theater in jeder Saison eine bestimmte Anzahl von Opern aufführt, die dann mehrere Wochen am Stück gespielt werden, bevor die nächste Oper auf dem Programm steht.

Petersburg hat mit dem Mariinsky-Theater ein weltberühmtes Ensemble, das selbst über drei Spielstätten verfügt – das ursprüngliche Gebäude aus dem 19. Jahrhundert, das Mariinsky II, ein Anfang dieses Jahrhunderts erbautes und in Betrieb genommenes Theater, und einen Konzertsaal, der für die Aufführung von Opern ohne Bühnenbild und Kostüme genutzt wird. An jedem beliebigen Tag finden in allen drei Sälen Aufführungen statt, und gelegentlich werden sowohl eine Nachmittags- als auch eine Abendvorstellung angeboten.

Außerdem ist das Mariinsky-Theater nicht das einzige große Haus in der Stadt. Es gibt auch das Maly-Operntheater, das einige hervorragende Produktionen aufführt und sein eigenes Publikum hat, das man als wohlhabender und weniger traditionsbewusst bezeichnen könnte. Das Mariinsky-Theater hingegen spricht alle Schichten der Petersburger Gesellschaft an und bietet spezielle Ermäßigungen für Jugendliche, Senioren usw.

Es ist nicht meine Absicht, diese Ausgabe der Reisenotizen zu einer Rezension der Opern und einer Operette zu machen, für die ich bei diesem Besuch Karten besorgt habe. Ich möchte jedoch beschreiben, wie es den führenden Institutionen der Hochkultur in dieser Stadt unter den Bedingungen von „Russland ausschalten“ (cancel Russia) ergeht, die der Westen seit dem Beginn der militärischen Sonderoperation in der Ukraine verhängt hat.

In Westeuropa nehmen die bösartigsten Formen von „cancel Russia“ immer mehr ab. Einige russische Künstler, wie der Opernstar Anna Netrebko, werden wieder auf führende Bühnen eingeladen. Aber Auslandstourneen führender russischer Ensembles in den Westen sind nach wie vor undenkbar, und im Westen ansässige Künstler sind hier nur noch sehr, sehr selten anzutreffen.

Nichtsdestotrotz habe ich den Eindruck, dass zumindest die russische Oper den Grad an „Souveränität“ erreicht hat, den Herr Putin für das Land insgesamt anstrebt. Sie ist autark und kann dem Konzertpublikum erstklassige Aufführungen mit eigenem Personal bieten, ohne Gäste aus dem Ausland einzuladen. Lassen Sie mich konkreter werden: In den letzten dreißig Jahren haben Russlands Ausbilder für die Bühne einheimische Talente auf Weltniveau gebracht. Die jungen Sängerinnen und Sänger, die heute die Bühne des Mariinsky Theaters betreten, beherrschen zum Beispiel die Technik der italienischen Oper.

Die Tage der „slawischen Sänger“ sind vorbei. Vorbei sind auch die Zeiten der abgehalfterten, überalterten westlichen Stars, die in den 1990er Jahren hierher gebracht wurden, um Snobs zum Kauf von Opernsitzen zu verleiten. Ich denke zum Beispiel daran, wie Montserrat Caballé in den 1990er Jahren aus dem Ruhestand geholt wurde, um in Moskau und Petersburg aufzutreten, als ihre Stimme in einem eher traurigen Zustand war.

Auch die großen russischen Stars im Rentenalter werden nicht mehr gebraucht, um Plätze zu verkaufen. In der Aufführung von Aida, die ich neulich im Mariinsky gesehen habe, gab es Sänger für Aida und Amneris, die ihr Debüt in diesen Rollen gaben. Ihre Namen sagten uns nichts. Aber sie verfügten über eine hervorragende Technik und große Stimmen, die die Met (The Metropolitan Opera, New York) füllen könnten.

Wenn ich mich zu dieser Aufführung hingezogen fühlte, die auf einer 15 Jahre alten Inszenierung eines Petersburger Bühnenleiters basierte, von dem Sie noch nie etwas gehört haben, der aber zufällig ein Freund von uns ist, dann deshalb, weil der Dirigent des Abends einer dieser mutigen und engagierten Musiker war, der ursprünglich aus Amerika stammt, aber schon lange in Russland lebt, Christian Knapp. Seine Regie ist Weltklasse, und wir wussten, dass er nur mit einer erstklassigen Besetzung arbeiten würde, was auch der Fall war. Ich empfehle den Lesern dringend, Knapps Biografie in seinem Wikipedia-Eintrag zu lesen. Der Mann ist außergewöhnlich, und es spricht sowohl für ihn als auch für das Mariinsky-Management, dass er sich trotz aller Verfluchungen, die ihm von westlichen Kulturkriegern entgegengebracht werden müssen, entschieden hat, hier zu bleiben.

Auch wenn die alte Inszenierung altmodisch erscheinen mag, gab es neben dem erstklassigen Gesang aller Hauptdarsteller ein Merkmal, das die Aufführung weit über die Aida hinaushebt, die man im Westen zu sehen bekommt: den Tanz. Diejenigen unter Ihnen, die mit Aida vertraut sind, wissen, dass es in der Partitur große Tanzeinlagen gibt, insbesondere in der Szene der siegreich zurückkehrenden ägyptischen Armee. In den meisten Operntheatern werden diese Abschnitte entweder gekürzt oder von Videos begleitet, da keine Tänzer zur Verfügung stehen. Das Mariinsky ist eines der wenigen Opernhäuser der Welt, das auch eines der besten Ballettensembles der Welt beherbergt, und seine Talente werden in dieser Aida ausgiebig und mit großem Erfolg eingesetzt. Darüber hinaus werden die Traditionen russischer Tanzschritte, die bis ins frühe 20. Jahrhundert zurückreichen, eingefügt, einschließlich einer Tanzsequenz, auf die Ballets Russes-Impresario Diaghilev stolz gewesen wäre, da sie auf seinen zeitweiligen Chefchoreografen Mikhail Fokin zurückgeht.

In der Aufführung von Rigoletto, die ich im Mariinsky-2 gesehen habe, war es im Gegensatz dazu der weithin bekannte und hoch angesehene mongolische Bariton Ariunbaator Ganbaatur in der Hauptrolle, der mich zum Kauf einer Eintrittskarte bewogen hat, und nicht der wenig bekannte, aber effektive lokale Dirigent, dessen Name erst am Tag der Aufführung bekannt gegeben wurde.

Was Ganbaatur betrifft, der den Titel „eingeladener Solist“ im Mariinsky trägt, wo er 2016 debütierte, so ist er westlichen Musikliebhabern als Gewinner des BBC-Wettbewerbs „Singer of the World“ in Cardiff, Wales, im Jahr 2017 bekannt, und davor, im Jahr 2015, gewann er Gold beim Tschaikowsky-Wettbewerb in Moskau. Mit Solisten wie ihm in ihrer Mitte werden die russischen Opernhäuser noch jahrelang ihren Glanz behalten, was auch immer die Geschmacksrichter in New York oder Washington sagen oder tun mögen.

Was ich damit sagen will, ist, dass die Russen in den dreißig Jahren bis zum jüngsten Abbruch der Beziehungen vom Westen das erhalten haben, was sie brauchten, um ihre Aufführungsfähigkeiten auf den neuesten Stand zu bringen, so dass sie so lange wie nötig allein zurechtkommen können, bis der Westen zur Vernunft kommt und die Beziehungen wieder aufnimmt.

Vor meiner Abreise nach Belgien werde ich Gelegenheit haben, russischen Gesang auf einer Stufe unterhalb der Oper zu erleben, wenn ich Kalmans Operette Prinzessin Csardas im Theater der Musikalischen Komödie höre. Dieses Genre ist eine weitere lokale Tradition, die weit in die Vergangenheit zurückreicht und sich auch heute noch bewährt.

Here we go: further down the slippery slope to WWIII

My efforts to ready for publication two further installments of my Travel Notes have been interrupted by latest announcements and counter-announcements from Macron and other leaders in the West, on the one hand, and from Russian officials on the other hand.  These should deeply worry anyone hoping for a rational resolution of the conflict surrounding Ukraine. To the contrary, they point to major escalation and the possibility of things spinning out of control.

Yesterday France officially announced that it has sent Foreign Legion troops to Ukraine. Their numbers are expected to reach 1500 and they are said to be artillery and reconnaissance specialists.  The purpose of this announcement was to make legal the initial dispatch to Ukraine of several hundred of these troops over a month ago. The fact that the information is postdated matches the Russians’ claim today to have already ‘destroyed’ seven of the French Legionnaires on the Ukrainian battlefield not far back from the front lines.

The French and possibly other NATO troops are expected to be in support of the defense of the critically important city of Slavyansk which is the capital of the western part of Donetsk region and was at the center of the fighting during the “Russian Spring” of the summer of 2014. The entry of NATO troops directly and openly into the conflict is all by itself equivalent to admission that what the Russians have been saying about the imminent collapse of the Ukrainian defense lines is true.

However, this openly acknowledged entry of NATO troops into the conflict crosses all of Russia’s red lines.  And now today the Russian Ministry of Defense on its Telegram account has released the statement that you will find below announcing preparedness exercises for the units of the Southern Military District which are responsible for use of tactical nuclear weapons.

As I remarked on these pages yesterday, the Russians will not slog it out on the ground with NATO forces after having paid dearly in the blood of their own troops to wipe out three successive iterations of the Ukrainian army that they first destroyed in the spring of 2022.  They will annihilate these non-Ukrainian co-belligerents using tactical nuclear arms.

These developments take us back six months or more to the furore over an article published by the Russian political scientist Sergei Karaganov in which he urged the Kremlin to make a nuclear strike against one or another of the NATO countries to sober up the West, to bring home to the superficial and essentially stupid leaders of the EU and the USA, the real risk of a full-blown nuclear war if they persist in seeking to inflict a strategic defeat on Russia.  That call by Karaganov was denounced not only by the wise men in Washington but also by many of Karaganov’s compatriots as unnecessarily provocative and dangerous.

However, thinking in Russia’s elites is changing with the times and with the nature of the challenges put up by the West.  Last week, a far more restrained Russian expert on international relations than Karaganov, Dmitry Trenin, who for more than a decade led the Carnegie Moscow office, was also calling for the Kremlin to administer a wake-up call to Washington, Brussels, London and Berlin. Among the possibilities he named was for Moscow to announce resumption of nuclear arms testing.

Now we see that the Ministry of Defense has gotten the message from Russia’s elites and experts, and the tactical nuclear arms, of which Russia has a vast assortment, will be prepared for use.

                                                                      *****

The foregoing is not all the bad news that has been pouring down on us.  Another item, widely reported in Russia but apparently unnoticed in Western media, was the issuance yesterday by the Russian Ministry of Interior of arrest warrants against former Ukrainian president Poroshenko and current president Zelensky. Among other things, this means that if either of them appears close to the front lines for yet another photo opp, they may be snatched by Russian special forces and hauled off to Moscow.

The timing is surely related to the expiry of Zelensky’s constitutionally mandated term in office later this month given that the presidential elections that should have taken place in March were cancelled by him.  However, the bigger dimension of this move is the clear indication by Moscow that it considers the Kiev regime illegitimate and will not negotiate with them.  Nota bene, that the same logic will surely apply to any replacement president that Washington tries to slot into office in the coming weeks.  Further arrest warrants against other former as well as present high Kievan officials may be expected in the coming days.  Moscow is said to be preparing a tribunal to try the Ukrainian leaders in the near future, either in the courtroom or in absentia.

                                                                         *****

Meanwhile, instead of dealing with these developments in a holistic manner, given that they are all interrelated, our major media drip feed some of the details to their readership and video audience, or they do what The Financial Times did this morning: the FT featured in the lead position of their online edition “Finland boosts war readiness in face of Russian aggression.”  The given article, which is fairly long has only one sentence that is true – telling us that Finland has the longest border with Russia of any European Union or NATO country.  All the rest was a pack of lies.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

                                               Russian Ministry of Defense announcement today:

Russia: Exercises with missile formations

Military Summary Archive

On behalf of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, in order to increase the readiness of non-strategic nuclear forces to carry out combat missions, the General Staff has begun preparations for holding an exercise in the near future with missile formations of the Southern Military District with the involvement of aviation, as well as the forces of the Navy.

During the exercise, a set of activities will be carried out to practice the preparation and use of non-strategic nuclear weapons.

The exercise is aimed at maintaining the readiness of personnel and equipment of units for the combat use of non-strategic nuclear weapons to respond and in order to unconditionally ensure the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Russian state in response to provocative statements and threats of individual Western officials against the Russian Federation.

Source: https://t.me/mod_russia/38308

Will the NATO war games on Russia’s borders trigger a nuclear response?  Discussion on Iran’s Press TV

Yesterday evening’s brief interview on Iran’s Press TV alongside panelist Don Debar from the USA focused on one question: what risks to the peace are presented by the ongoing massive NATO military exercises at Russia’s borders in which more than 90,000 soldiers are participating and which Moscow considers a provocation.

I say here directly that if the exercises were to be turned into an actual attack on Russia to distract Moscow from the battleground in Donbas then I envision the Russian response to be a strike with tactical nuclear weapons that would decimate the NATO forces instantaneously.  Unlike my fellow panelist, I do not see such a Russian response, which is clearly laid out in Russian warnings over the past six months or more, as triggering a full scale nuclear war, because Washington knows full well that whatever damage it may do to Russia in such an exchange, there will be nothing but ashes left of the USA, with no one left to vote for Joe Biden in November.

It is regrettable that our interview was cut short for the sake of live coverage of an Iranian diplomatic mission in Africa, because I intended to move the discussion on to the question of why NATO is staging such a provocation now, just as why there were 4 ATACMS long range missiles launched a day ago by the Ukrainians for the Russians to shoot down over Crimea and why there is talk in Kiev of blowing up the Kerch (Crimea) bridge as an urgent mission.  The reason for all of these intended acts of aggression and terror is to distract world attention from the ongoing daily Russian advance and Ukrainian retreat along the line of contact in the Donetsk region.

Some in the West are characterizing the Russian moves on the battlefield as the prelude to a massive Russian offensive in the coming month or two. Others use these facts to shame U.S. legislators for holding back their approval of the 61 billion dollar aid package to Kiev for so long, leaving the Ukrainians short of artillery shells and air defense equipment.  However, a better explanation is that Kiev made a strategic blunder over the past year by placing so many resources in Avdeevka, which they and their NATO advisers believed was impregnable, and did not do what they should have done, namely build solid second and tertiary lines of defense to the west of Avdeevka. The Russians now are simply pressing their advantage and putting the Ukrainian forces on the run.  In my next installment of Travel Notes, I will explain who was the author of this interpretation.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

See

Ukraine war | Urmedium

https://www.urmedium.net/c/presstv/129382

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus) followed by transcript

Werden die NATO-Kriegsspiele an Russlands Grenzen eine nukleare Reaktion auslösen? Diskussion auf Irans Press TV

In dem kurzen Interview, das ich gestern Abend im iranischen Press TV gemeinsam mit dem Gesprächsteilnehmer Don Debar aus den USA geführt habe, ging es vor allem um eine Frage: Welche Gefahren für den Frieden gehen von den laufenden massiven NATO-Militärübungen an den Grenzen Russlands aus, an denen mehr als 90.000 Soldaten teilnehmen und die Moskau als Provokation betrachtet.

Ich sage an dieser Stelle direkt, dass ich mir für den Fall, dass die Übungen in einen tatsächlichen Angriff auf Russland umgewandelt würden, um Moskau vom Schlachtfeld im Donbass abzulenken, als russische Antwort einen Schlag mit taktischen Atomwaffen vorstelle, der die NATO-Truppen sofort dezimieren würde. Im Gegensatz zu meinem Diskussionspartner sehe ich eine solche russische Reaktion, die in den russischen Warnungen der letzten sechs Monate oder mehr klar dargelegt wurde, nicht als Auslöser eines umfassenden Atomkriegs, denn Washington weiß genau, dass die USA, egal welchen Schaden es Russland in einem solchen Schlagabtausch zufügen mag, selbst nur noch in Schutt und Asche liegen würden und niemand mehr übrig wäre, der im November Joe Biden wählen könnte.

Es ist bedauerlich, dass unser Interview wegen einer Live-Berichterstattung über eine iranische diplomatische Mission in Afrika abgebrochen wurde, denn ich wollte das Gespräch noch auf die Frage lenken, warum die NATO jetzt eine solche Provokation inszeniert, und auch auf die Frage, warum die Ukrainer vor einem Tag vier ATACMS-Langstreckenraketen zum Abschuss für die Russen losgeschickt haben und warum in Kiew davon die Rede ist, die Brücke von Kertsch (Krim) als dringende Mission in die Luft zu sprengen. Der Grund für all diese beabsichtigten Aggressions- und Terrorakte ist, die Aufmerksamkeit der Weltöffentlichkeit von dem täglichen russischen Vormarsch und ukrainischen Rückzug entlang der Kontaktlinie in der Region Donezk abzulenken.

Einige im Westen bezeichnen die russischen Schritte auf dem Schlachtfeld als Auftakt zu einer massiven russischen Offensive in den kommenden ein oder zwei Monaten. Andere nutzen diese Fakten, um die US-Parlamentarier zu beschuldigen, die Genehmigung des 61-Milliarden-Dollar-Hilfspakets für Kiew so lange hinausgezögert zu haben, so dass es den Ukrainern an Artilleriegeschossen und Luftabwehrausrüstung fehlt. Eine bessere Erklärung ist jedoch, dass Kiew im vergangenen Jahr einen strategischen Fehler begangen hat, indem es so viele Ressourcen in Avdeevka investiert hat, das es und seine NATO-Berater für uneinnehmbar hielten, und nicht tat, was es hätte tun sollen, nämlich solide zweite und dritte Verteidigungslinien westlich von Avdeevka aufzubauen. Die Russen versuchen nun, ihren Vorteil zu nutzen und die ukrainischen Streitkräfte in die Flucht zu schlagen. In meiner nächsten Ausgabe der Reisenotizen werde ich erklären, wer der Autor dieser Interpretation war.

  • Transcript below by a reader

    Anchor: 0:00
    Don DeBar is an activist and political commentator joining us from Ossining over in New York. Gilbert Doctorow is an independent international affairs analyst who joins us from Moscow. Welcome to you both. I’ll start with you, Don DeBar. So you’re having this large NATO military exercise take place, one of the largest. Are you seeing indications that there’s going to be some kind of military engagement between NATO and Russia?

    DeBar: 0:25
    What I see doesn’t matter so much. It’s a matter of what the Russian military planners see, because they’re in charge of meeting it if it ends up being an attack, and responding. We know what the placement of NATO resources is in … what’s left of Ukraine, in the Baltics, and Polish border, Romania, you know, all of that. And besides as well in South Korea a little. It’s a very, very, very short response time if from the perspective of the upper brass in the Russian military, this “exercise” quote unquote crosses the border [and becomes an invasion].

    So– and that’s the thing. People don’t understand, generally, that when you’re looking at a military exercise, so-called, near your borders, you really– it’s indistinguishable from an actual invasion, you know. You get to the border and they stop, it was an exercise. If they come in, you need to be ready to meet them. So we’re already looking at, I’m certain, the machinery of a war between Russia and NATO, you know, the fire on and powered up.

    Anchor: 1:42
    So do you think that there’s going to be a military engagement there, Don DeBar? If there is, who do you think is going to come out the winner?

    DeBar:
    No one. NATO–

    Anchor:
    I’m sorry. This was for Gilbert Doctorow. I’ll get to you. Hold on to your thoughts, Don DeBar. Gilbert Doctorow, go ahead.

    Doctorow: 1:59
    Well, I think there would be a winner. The winner would be Russia. The Russians have prepared for this kind of eventuality, and let’s be quite open about it. If NATO were to use any of these 90,000 troops that it has presently preparing at the Russian borders in these exercises, if it were to make that type of a move, the Russian response is written on the wall in big letters. That would be a nuclear strike. The Russians are not going to play pussyfoot with NATO if there are massive concentrations of troops crossing or threatening to cross the border. It will be a total destruction of that army, an instantaneous destruction with a nuclear strike. The warnings have been issued.

    Anchor: 2:51
    Why do you disagree with the fact that there would be a winner, Don DeBar?

    DeBar:
    Well, in a thermonuclear war, I mean, it depends on how you characterize it. If the goal, strategic objectives of NATO were thwarted by Russia, Russia went in that fear. [sound glitches] However, Russia suffers whatever damage it suffers. Poland and what’s left of, you know, all of the country’s troops were gathered, suffer what they suffer. The rest of us suffer whatever we breathe in from that for the next 240,000 years or whatever. You know, it’s hard– Russia–

    DeBar: 3:39
    Dr. Doctorow is right, the strategic, you know, their doctrine for use of nuclear weapons, the Russian Federation I’m talking about, they use them only in two cases. One, in retaliation for a nuclear strike on Russia; or two, when the, you know, existence, the integrity of the Russian state is threatened. Certainly, 90,000 troops and whatever blowing up of things is done in advance to soften the ground for that, while an attack is made on Crimea by Ukrainians or whatever, would constitute for them a replay of Barbarossa on steroids and will get whatever kind of maximum response they have [planted that off]. So, I agree that we will probably be looking at a nuclear response, certainly a massive response. And then everyone steps back for a second. What does Joe Biden do? He’s running for re-election. What does Xxxxx do?

    Anchor: 4:37
    Okay, I’m going to, unfortunately, have to jump in. We have to cut this short. Thank you to both of you. We’re going to have to go on over live now.


    .

Not every German public figure supports Israel’s genocide!

The actor Dieter Hallervorden is a name known to everyone in Germany. For decades he was THE ACTOR whom you saw on television. He also played in prize winning movies. At age 88, he is the Intendant of three drama theaters and is on the stage nearly every evening.

Now in his video poem Gaza Gaza Hallervorden unexpectedly has taken a position on the side of the Palestinian people.

 The leading German media initially reacted with disbelief, then aggressively, because Germany’s most popular theater man is a swing voter from the center: In the last election campaign, he campaigned for the CDU, previously also once for the Liberals and earlier for Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik.
> In a very short time, his Gaza video had over 8 million hits. UN Special Envoy Professor Dr. Jean Ziegler has just sent him “solidarity greetings” on behalf of Antonio Guterres and defended the artist from the media accusation of making “anti-Semitic” arguments: “Your text is based entirely on UN resolutions!”

English subtitled Link  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LMcrNzOfFAE

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Nicht jede deutsche Persönlichkeit des öffentlichen Lebens unterstützt den israelischen Völkermord!

Der Schauspieler Dieter Hallervorden ist ein Name, den in Deutschland jeder kennt. Jahrzehntelang war er DER SCHAUSPIELER, den man im Fernsehen gesehen hat. Er spielte auch in preisgekrönten Filmen mit. Mit 88 Jahren ist er Intendant von drei Theatern und steht fast jeden Abend auf der Bühne.

Jetzt hat sich Hallervorden in seinem Videogedicht Gaza Gaza unerwartet auf die Seite des palästinensischen Volkes gestellt.

Die deutschen Leitmedien reagierten zunächst ungläubig, dann aggressiv, denn Deutschlands beliebtester Theatermann ist ein Wechselwähler der Mitte: Im letzten Wahlkampf warb er für die CDU, zuvor auch einmal für die Liberalen und früher für Willy Brandts Ostpolitik.

> In kürzester Zeit hatte sein Gaza-Video über 8 Millionen Aufrufe. Der UN-Sonderbeauftragte Professor Dr. Jean Ziegler schickte ihm soeben „Solidaritätsgrüße“ im Namen von Antonio Guterres und verteidigte den Künstler gegen den Medienvorwurf, „antisemitisch“ zu argumentieren: „Ihr Text basiert ausschließlich auf UN-Resolutionen!“

English subtitled Link  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LMcrNzOfFAE

Did Russia use ‘chemical weapons’ in Ukraine?:  WION Indian global news

The latest State Department accusations against Russia for supposedly using chemical weapons on the battlefield against Ukrainian forces were the starting point for my interview this morning with India’s premier English language global broadcaster WION. These charges are said to have been the basis for the latest round of sanctions imposed on Russia by the United States, with the Russian military units under accusation being the prime targets.  The conversation went on from there to consideration of the likely effectiveness of the latest 61 billion financial and arms package from the United States.

Nothing is perfect in life.  WION has identified me as speaking from Brussels, though in fact I am in St Petersburg and will remain here till 14 May.  I misspoke when identifying the glider bombs being used by the Russians, which weigh in at 0.5, 1.5 and 3 tons.

See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MCfpfob1dpk

Transcript below by a reader

Shivan Chanana: 0:00
The U.S. Department of State alleged that Russia had used chemical weapons against the Ukrainian army, and this was the reason to impose additional sanctions against Russia. Interestingly, last week Russia leveled similar charges against Ukraine at the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, OPCW. Now, there was a conference which was held and now the question arises, who’s using chemical weapons against the other? To discuss matters, we’re joined by Dr Gilbert Doctorow, who is an author, historian, and political commentator joining us from Brussels. Dr Doctorow, always a pleasure speaking with you. Is this a tit-for-tat move, as Russia levels similar charges against Ukraine?

Gilbert Doctorow: 0:41
Entirely possible that is the case. The first victim of war is the truth. And what we have seen over the past couple of years has borne that truth out all the way. The Russians may very well have used chemical weapons, but I would suggest it was in response to what they reported and complained about for the Ukrainian side a week ago. Generally speaking, everything that comes out of Ukraine and a lot that comes out of Washington is attributing to the Russians what the Ukrainians are doing. So I would take this latest accusation by the State Department with great caution.

Shivan Chanana: 1:26
If chemical weapons are indeed being used on the battlefield by either side, where is this war inching towards? And we have been, you know … the idea of a nuclear war, it’s been way too romanticized at the moment. There have been too many threats around it. Are we really now moving towards it? Is this the first step that we’re going to see?

Gilbert Doctorow: 1:48
No, I wouldn’t consider these latest accusations or charges and counter charges as signifying any particular escalation. I think that the incidents that are at question here are of a very small nature and they are testing the water to see what can be done and how far you can go. I don’t think that this is leading us into a new direction. The weapons already being used in this war are of great destructive power — most recently, the Russians’ use over the past few months of so-called dumb bombs, which have been smartened up and turned into glider bombs. These are [0.5-ton, 1.5-ton], even three-ton bombs with devastating impact, that can tear up large parts of a battlefield and kill most anyone within 20, 30, 40 meters range. So these weapons are weapons of great destructive power, have already been used, and the introduction of some chemical weapons here or there does not change the situation greatly.

Shivan Chanana: 2:59
Dr Doctorow, given your experience and your study of the region spanning over decades, I wanted to understand what consequence do American sanctions have, especially on a nation like Russia? We have seen the U.S. impose several rounds of sanctions in the past. Anything happens and they impose further sanctions. Are these sanctions of any consequence?

Gilbert Doctorow: 3:23
The most significant sanctions, which are of consequence, have been the financial sanctions. Removing Russia from the SWIFT system has had considerable impact on Russia’s commercial relations with the world. It hasn’t– for a few months, there were setbacks in the trade. They were overcome, the workarounds were arrived at and Russia more or less is doing quite well in its commercial relations, particularly with the global south.

Otherwise the sanctions have either been counterproductive– in the sense that they have caused much greater harm to the United States and particularly to Western Europe than they have to Russia– or they have had nil effect. The latest sanctions that are discussed now in connection with the supposed use of chemical weapons will have nil effect. To sanction a country’s military units for one or another abuse is an absurd proposition. You are at war with them or you’re not at war with them. And what difference does it make if individuals are named and are unable to visit the United States or own property there? This is just pro forma. It is checking the box.

Shivan Chanana: 4:38
Doctor, the last time we spoke, you had mentioned very categorically that yes, the bill has been signed into law for the aid, the military aid towards Ukraine, but it’s not going to happen immediately. Would you want to put some kind of a timeline to it? By when can American weapons finally make it to the Ukrainian front lines, because Ukraine is desperately waiting for them?

Gilbert Doctorow: 4:59
Well, some weapons will. Other weapons won’t. They won’t for months, if not for years. The United States and its European allies are simply unable to produce in quantity the artillery shells and the air defense systems that Ukraine desperately needs now if it is going to withstand the coming pummeling of a Russian offensive in full force. The Russians have been softening up the lines. They have been taking additional territory. They have been improving their positions, as they say, in a very understated way. And Ukraine, in the coming month or two, is really unable to resist the Russian moves that we see every day. How long it will take for Patriots to arrive? They don’t have Patriots in the warehouse ready to ship out to Ukraine. They don’t have artillery shells in the millions to assist Ukraine.

But the biggest issue has nothing to do with Western supply. It has to do with Ukraine’s own manpower, which is in a shabby state, and they are unable to raise their battlefield numbers. Their various military units are depleted and therefore ineffective. That is nothing that shipment of further tanks or artillery pieces or ATACMS can rectify. So the Ukrainians are in a very difficult position. The United States is, and the British, the Germans are boasting that they’re providing assistance, but it’s of very limited military value in a situation that is dire.

Shivan Chanana: 6:52
So when it comes to the sanctions, at least the current ones will have no significance, at least not on Russia. And as far as the weapons are concerned, it’s going to take a while for it to, for them to reach the Ukrainian front lines. And even if they do, as you mentioned, the manpower still continues to be a problem, as Ukraine is severely outmanned at the moment.

There are hints, or there are allegations of NATO forces and soldiers from other nations making their way to the Ukrainian, to Ukrainian soil, fighting for Ukraine. But, of course, none of that is in the open. So as far as what makes its way to the public eye is Ukrainian soldiers who are outmanned. Ukraine is outmanned at the moment, even if they get the weapons.

We are going to be tracking the Russia-Ukraine developments as they come in, as we have been doing all this while, right here on WION World is One. A big thank you to Dr Gilbert Doctorow, who is an author, historian, political commentator, joining us from Brussels with all your insights

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

.

Hat Russland „chemische Waffen“ in der Ukraine eingesetzt: WION Indian global news

Die jüngsten Anschuldigungen des US-Außenministeriums gegen Russland wegen des angeblichen Einsatzes chemischer Waffen auf dem Schlachtfeld gegen ukrainische Streitkräfte waren der Ausgangspunkt für mein Interview heute Morgen mit Indiens führendem englischsprachigen globalen Fernsehsender WION. Diese Vorwürfe sollen die Grundlage für die jüngste Runde der von den Vereinigten Staaten gegen Russland verhängten Sanktionen gewesen sein, wobei die beschuldigten russischen Militäreinheiten die Hauptziele sind. Das Gespräch ging weiter zu Überlegungen über die wahrscheinliche Wirksamkeit des jüngsten 61-Milliarden-Finanz- und Rüstungspakets der Vereinigten Staaten.

Nichts im Leben ist perfekt. WION hat mich als Sprecher aus Brüssel identifiziert, obwohl ich mich in Wirklichkeit in St. Petersburg befinde und dort bis zum 14. Mai bleiben werde. Ich habe mich versprochen, als ich die von den Russen verwendeten Gleitbomben mit einem Gewicht von 0,5, 1,5 und 3 Tonnen bezeichnet habe.

Siehe https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MCfpfob1dpk

Shades of 1968:  The New York police assault on Columbia University demonstrators

Yesterday’s NYPD storming of Hamilton Hall on the Columbia University campus which had been occupied by student demonstrators protesting Israeli genocide in Gaza has brought the clash between America’s non-academic, pro-Washington narrative university administrators and its more idealistic students to the attention of global media. After taking the building, the police arrested the demonstrators and, before television cameras, paraded them off, wrists bound, to waiting buses for dispatch to jail.

As an alumnus of Columbia who entered graduate school there in the months following similar, shall we say, revolutionary developments in the student body in the spring of 1968, I take special interest in this development. Back then, the hotbed of political action across the nation was on the Berkeley campus in California. Columbia was not in the vanguard, though the campus reeled from internal divisions.

At that time, much of the Columbia faculty sided with the retrograde administration, as I saw in my own department, Russian history. My academic advisor, Leopold Haimson, a leading scholar on the Menshevik movement and closet Marxist himself, was aghast at being in the midst of a real bottom-up revolution and sided with the administrators. It took a long time to heal the wounds to the institution once order was restored.

 As a political analyst today, I also follow these developments at Columbia closely for more serious reasons than nostalgia for the past. They hold the promise of a resurrection of student activism and antiwar sentiment among the young that was snuffed out, very cynically but effectively by Richard Nixon and his immediate followers when they put an end to the draft and introduced an all-volunteer professional army.

That Republicans and other political conservatives with their all-in support for Israel whatever it does would uniformly condemn the students as ‘anti-Semites’ is obvious. For their part, Liberals are split on the issue, though many loathe what Israel has been doing in Gaza and the Left Bank, and are sympathetic to the student demonstrators. Liberals are also more concerned with the suppression of free speech, on campus of all places, that the police crackdown at Hamilton Hall signifies. Many are saying out loud that attempts to instill uniformity of thought on the Israeli question destroy the underlying principles of higher education grounded in diversity of views and civilized public debate.

In this regard, I call for a time out to reflect on the destruction of the social sciences and humanities on American campuses that did not start yesterday but goes back in time at least 15 years. This passes unnoticed by our Liberals because it clashes with their own political correctness that acknowledges no other views than their own on the given subject.  I have in mind the anti-Putin, anti-Russian doctrine that totally captured university policies on free speech when Washington launched its Information War on Russia.

In the 2010-11 academic year, I was a Visiting Scholar at Columbia and attended a goodly number of Russia-themed public events hosted by its Harriman Institute. The overriding impression was that anti-Russian speakers and the audiences, consisting of students, faculty and outside visitors, were all totally aligned, singing from the same hymn books. If you dared to pose a question in the time allotted for “discussion” that showed some variance from this consensus, you were immediately denounced as a ‘stooge of Putin.’ In effect, this institution of higher learning had descended to the level of a kindergarten.

From following developments on campus ever since from the weekly program announcements of the Harriman, it is crystal clear that the situation with respect to freedom of speech and thought on the subject of Russia has only gotten worse. Moreover, in the past two years of the Moscow’s Special Military Operation the whole discipline of Russian studies at Columbia has been pulled up by the roots and been replaced by Ukrainian studies and studies of the supposedly colonized nationalities of the former Russian Empire. The process is being called ‘de-colonization.’

Until and unless I see a sobering up of our universities from their intoxication with Russophobia, I will not believe that freedom of speech on campus has been restored, whatever the outcome of the present confrontations over Israeli genocide.

But who knows? Perhaps someone among the present day rebels will move beyond outrage over 34,000 murdered Palestinians and consider the possibility of hundreds of millions of dead civilians globally including in the good old U.S. of A. should the present clash in Ukraine be allowed to escalate to WWIII.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Die Schatten von 1968:  Der Angriff der New Yorker Polizei auf die Demonstranten der Columbia University

Die gestrige Erstürmung der Hamilton Hall auf dem Campus der Columbia University durch die New Yorker Polizei, die von studentischen Demonstranten besetzt worden war, die gegen den israelischen Völkermord in Gaza protestiert haben, hat die Aufmerksamkeit der weltweiten Medien auf den Zusammenstoß zwischen Amerikas nicht-akademischen, Washington-freundlichen Universitätsverwaltern und ihren idealistischeren Studenten gelenkt. Nachdem die Polizei das Gebäude eingenommen hatte, verhaftete sie die Demonstranten und führte sie vor laufenden Fernsehkameras mit gefesselten Handgelenken zu wartenden Bussen, die sie ins Gefängnis brachten.

Als ehemaliger Columbia-Absolvent, der dort in den Monaten nach ähnlichen, sagen wir, revolutionären Entwicklungen in der Studentenschaft im Frühjahr 1968 sein Studium aufnahm, habe ich ein besonderes Interesse an dieser Entwicklung. Damals war der Campus von Berkeley in Kalifornien die Brutstätte politischer Aktionen im ganzen Land. Columbia gehörte nicht zu den Vorreitern, obwohl der Campus von internen Spaltungen heimgesucht wurde.

Damals stand ein Großteil der Columbia-Fakultät auf der Seite der rückschrittlichen Verwaltung, wie ich in meinem eigenen Fachbereich, der russischen Geschichte, feststellen konnte. Mein akademischer Berater, Leopold Haimson, ein führender Gelehrter der menschewistischen Bewegung und selbst bekennender Marxist, war entsetzt darüber, dass er sich inmitten einer echten Revolution von unten nach oben befand, und stellte sich auf die Seite der Verwaltung. Es dauerte lange, bis die Wunden in der Institution verheilt waren, nachdem die Ordnung wiederhergestellt war.

Als heutiger politischer Analytiker verfolge ich diese Entwicklungen an der Columbia aus ernsthafteren Gründen als der Nostalgie für die Vergangenheit. Sie versprechen eine Wiederbelebung des studentischen Aktivismus und der Antikriegsstimmung unter der Jugend, die von Richard Nixon und seinen unmittelbaren Nachfolgern sehr zynisch, aber effektiv ausgelöscht wurde, als sie die Wehrpflicht abschafften und eine rein freiwillige Berufsarmee einführten.

Es liegt auf der Hand, dass die Republikaner und andere politisch Konservative mit ihrer uneingeschränkten Unterstützung für Israel, was auch immer es tut, die Studenten einheitlich als “Antisemiten” verurteilen würden. Die Liberalen ihrerseits sind in dieser Frage gespalten, obwohl viele verabscheuen, was Israel im Gazastreifen und in der Westbank tut, und mit den demonstrierenden Studenten sympathisieren. Die Liberalen sind auch besorgter über die Unterdrückung der freien Meinungsäußerung, ausgerechnet auf dem Campus, was die Polizeirazzia in der Hamilton Hall bedeutet. Viele sagen laut, dass der Versuch, ein einheitliches Denken in der Israel-Frage durchzusetzen, die grundlegenden Prinzipien der Hochschulbildung, die auf Meinungsvielfalt und zivilisierter öffentlicher Debatte beruhen, zerstört.

In diesem Zusammenhang rufe ich zu einer Auszeit auf, um über die Zerstörung der Sozial- und Geisteswissenschaften an amerikanischen Universitäten nachzudenken, die nicht erst gestern begonnen hat, sondern mindestens 15 Jahre zurückreicht. Dies bleibt von unseren Liberalen unbemerkt, weil es mit ihrer eigenen politischen Korrektheit kollidiert, die keine anderen Ansichten als die eigenen zu einem bestimmten Thema anerkennt. Ich denke dabei an die Anti-Putin- und Anti-Russland-Doktrin, die die Politik der Universitäten in Bezug auf die freie Meinungsäußerung völlig vereinnahmt hat, als Washington seinen Informationskrieg gegen Russland begann.

Im akademischen Jahr 2010/11 war ich Gastwissenschaftler an der Columbia University und besuchte eine ganze Reihe öffentlicher Veranstaltungen des Harriman-Instituts zum Thema Russland. Der vorherrschende Eindruck war, dass die antirussischen Redner und das Publikum, bestehend aus Studenten, Lehrkräften und externen Besuchern, völlig gleichgeschaltet waren und aus denselben Gesangbüchern sangen. Wenn man es wagte, in der für die “Diskussion” vorgesehenen Zeit eine Frage zu stellen, die von diesem Konsens abwich, wurde man sofort als “Handlanger Putins” denunziert. In der Tat war diese Hochschule auf das Niveau eines kindergarten (sic!) herabgesunken.

Wenn man die Entwicklungen auf dem Campus seither anhand der wöchentlichen Programmankündigungen des Harriman verfolgt, ist es glasklar, dass sich die Situation in Bezug auf die Rede- und Gedankenfreiheit zum Thema Russland nur verschlechtert hat. Darüber hinaus wurde in den letzten zwei Jahren der Moskauer Sonder-Militäroperation die gesamte Disziplin der Russischstudien an der Columbia bei den Wurzeln ausgerissen und durch Ukrainistik und Studien über die angeblich kolonisierten Nationalitäten des ehemaligen Russischen Reiches ersetzt. Dieser Prozess wird als “Entkolonisierung” bezeichnet.

Bis ich sehe, dass sich unsere Universitäten von ihrem Rausch der Russophobie erholen, werde ich nicht glauben, dass die Meinungsfreiheit auf dem Campus wiederhergestellt ist, unabhängig vom Ausgang der derzeitigen Auseinandersetzungen über den israelischen Völkermord.

Aber wer weiß? Vielleicht wird jemand unter den heutigen Rebellen über die Empörung über 34.000 ermordete Palästinenser hinausgehen und die Möglichkeit von Hunderten von Millionen toten Zivilisten weltweit, einschließlich innerhalb der guten alten U.S. von A, in Betracht ziehen, sollte der gegenwärtige Konflikt in der Ukraine zu einem Dritten Weltkrieg eskalieren.

RT’s Cross Talk: discussion of the $61 billion military and financial aid package for Ukraine now signed into law

In today’s edition of Cross Talk, I was pleased to join host Peter Lavelle and Sputnik International political analyst Dmitry Babich for a discussion of likely consequences of the newly signed law appropriating $61 billion in aid to Kiev.

Put in simplest terms, this aid package will prolong the war, continue the decimation of Ukraine’s male population and the destruction of its economic viability. It may also hasten our descent into WWIII.

RT programs are subject to intense censorship in the USA and Europe. The links below may or may not work depending on your jurisdiction:


https://odysee.com/@RT:fd/CT2904-:c

https://rumble.com/v4s796n-crosstalk-bullhorns-ensuring-defeat.html

https://www.rt.com/shows/crosstalk/596708-us-foreign-aid-bill-ukraine/

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus) followed by full transcript in English

RT’s Cross Talk: Diskussion über das 61 Milliarden Dollar schwere Militär- und Finanzhilfepaket für die Ukraine, das jetzt in Kraft getreten ist

In der heutigen Ausgabe von Cross Talk habe ich mich gefreut, mit Gastgeber Peter Lavelle und dem politischen Analysten von Sputnik International, Dmitry Babich, über die wahrscheinlichen Folgen des neu unterzeichneten Gesetzes zu sprechen, das Kiew 61 Milliarden Dollar an Hilfsgeldern zuweist.

Vereinfacht ausgedrückt wird dieses Hilfspaket den Krieg verlängern, die Dezimierung der männlichen Bevölkerung der Ukraine fortsetzen und die wirtschaftliche Lebensfähigkeit des Landes zerstören. Es könnte auch unseren Abstieg in den Dritten Weltkrieg beschleunigen.

Die RT-Programme unterliegen in den USA und Europa einer strengen Zensur. Die nachstehenden Links können je nach Herrschaftsbereich funktionieren oder nicht:


https://odysee.com/@RT:fd/CT2904-:c

https://rumble.com/v4s796n-crosstalk-bullhorns-ensuring-defeat.html

https://www.rt.com/shows/crosstalk/596708-us-foreign-aid-bill-ukraine/

Transcription below by a reader

Peter Lavelle 00:15
Hello and welcome to Crosstalk Bullhorns. I’m Peter Lavelle. Here we discuss some real news. With the passage of Biden’s huge foreign aid bill, it is important to ask, what is next? What is really the purpose of this aid? To help Ukraine win or only just starve off defeat? For now. To discuss these issues and more, I’m joined by Gilbert Doctorow in St. Petersburg. He’s an independent political analyst and author of memoirs of an expat manager in Moscow during the 1990s. And here in Moscow we have Dmitry Bobich. He is a political analyst at Sputnik International. All right, gentlemen, Crosstalk rules in effect. That means you can jump any time you want, and I always appreciate it.

00:51
All right, let’s start out with Dima here in Moscow. Well, we’ve had a week now to kind of digest the passage of Biden’s huge foreign aid bill, in an election year, of all things. And, of course, we have the bipartisan consensus of foreign wars and intervention. You saw the results after the vote was taken on the House floor with the waving of the flags and everything. For a lot of people in Congress it was a feel-good thing, but at the end of the day, even in mainstream media that is hardly fair or unbiased towards Russia, they’re even asking the same questions that all of us have been asking all along. I mean, fine, you can dedicate money and weapons, but is it going to make any difference? After a week of this here, Dima, what do you think?

Dmitry Babich 01:45
Well, first, some people just don’t understand that a huge part of this 61 billion that is going to be spent on Ukraine, a huge part of it is going to be spent for previous deliveries. I mean, the budget is going to compensate Pentagon for the deliveries that it already made, for the expenses that it already made. About 11 billion are actually going to be spent on NATO troops, American troops next to Ukraine, right?

And the other thing is that even though– I think it was Trump who insisted on that via Mike Johnson– even though formally it is a loan, I like the phrase from Senator Thomas Tuberville, a Republican from Alabama. He said, “Don’t let yourself be fooled. Not a dollar of this is going to be paid back. It’s not a loan.” We know the regime that exists in Ukraine since 2014. Once they get the money, forget it, you know, they never pay back. So basically, I think everyone is worse off. The war will continue longer. More people are going to die, probably in areas far removed from the frontline, because Zelensky will buy himself or just get for free long-range missiles. The American taxpayer will never get his or her money back.

03:16
And, again, Tuberville said, “Don’t let yourself be fooled; none of this is going to be paid. We’re going to print these dollars or we’re going to borrow it from China.” If Americans are concerned about their dependence on China, it’s going to increase.

Peter Lavelle:
Yeah, well, Dima, and I’ll throw it over to Gilbert, I mean, if you read the fine print of the bill, it’s a sweetheart loan. You don’t have to pay it back. It’s in the bill itself, it was marketed in a very different way. But if you look at the black and white, it is an absolute giveaway. Gilbert, I mean, it seems to me, and all of us have been watching this very closely, not since 2022, but since 2014, at the very least; much longer, actually, in many ways. This is just to starve off defeat. They don’t have a plan to win. They just want to avoid losing, I guess because it’s an election year. Gilbert.

Gilbert Doctorow: 04:09
No, I agree completely with this. And it is a substantial consensus among experts. But I wouldn’t necessarily say just opposition people, opposition to the Washington narrative. But even in mainstream, there is a consensus that this is not going to save, give Ukraine the possibility of recovering its territory. That is a lost cause. I think the consensus of experts, even moving into mainstream, is coming close to what Jacques Baud was saying about four months ago, that this war has nothing to do with Ukraine. It has everything to do with the West and Russia.

04:47
And Ukraine is being used and abused by the West callously, viciously actually, to the maximum extent to cause harm to Russia. I think what is more troublesome, more worrisome for us all, is not the 61 billion that’s been appropriated for military and budgetary assistance to Ukraine. It is what is going on just under the radar and not very far below it, because it is being picked up by some astute people. And by that I mean the dispatch to Ukraine of advisers, advisers to assist with the most advanced equipment is now scheduled to be delivered to Ukraine. This takes us back to where we were in the 1960s with the American advisers in Vietnam. And that was a time when there was still an understanding of red lines to prevent a direct military clash between the superpowers. That has gone away. There is no recognition of red lines, as Mr. Macron said in a very prevocative way, but in an accurate way, and the possibility of this escalating further, incrementally, is really there.

06:06
We have more and more NATO advisers coming in. We have more and more targeting of those NATO advisers by the Russian Ministry of Defense. And sooner or later, this becomes explosive.

Peter Lavelle:
Well, Dima, of course, I mean, many will say that this is going up the escalation ladder for the very reason that Gilbert just mentioned, is that you’re going to see more and more NATO troops going into Ukraine. But it belies the fact that no matter what the West does vis-a-vis Ukraine, the Russians know it’s directed against them, and it’s not changing the, moving the needle, as it were, on the battlefield. I mean, there are a number of experts that you and I and Gilbert and our audience follow Is that the Ukrainian lines are becoming weaker and weaker and there could be some kind of breakdown. What does NATO do then?

Dmitry Babich: 07:00
Well, NATO will say that just, you know, “‘The dictator’ cracked up to be stronger than we expected. Democracy is on the wane around the world. Autocrats are on the rise.” We’re going to hear a lot of that. The problem is that the United States and the European Union have become ideological states, ideological entities, and their control over the media is absolute. You know, look, one of the main characteristics of a totalitarian regime is that you mix common morals and politics. So during the last three months, the message that we had from the American media in Ukraine, from the European correspondents, it was “Ukrainians are dying, Russia is advancing, and you, Mike Johnson, is to blame for that. You didn’t give the money. So you are a bad man, you know, you’re personally responsible for something, for everything that happens in Ukraine, everything bad that happens in Ukraine.”

08:02
So there is that mixup of morals and politics, you know. In the same way, in the Soviet Union, if you were against Stalin, if you said something bad about Stalin, you just not, you didn’t just make a mistake. You were a very bad person. You had to be ashamed of yourself. So we see this used here and it’s just astounding how the media in the West changes its tunes. All of these few months before it was, you know, “Ukrainian army is starving, there are no munitions, all this because of Mike Johnson.” In fact, it was not true because the munitions delivered in 2022, in 2023, you know, most of this money is going to be just compensating, you know, Pentagon and the American military-industrial complex for that.

08:51
But they wanted to create that atmosphere. And suddenly after the money was given, actually physically, it’s not yet there and the munitions are not there, but suddenly the tone changed, you know. Suddenly we don’t have all of these sentimental articles about soldiers and suffering officers and weeping Zelensky. And the story that was just astounding for me was how Zelensky said, “How come we’re not Israel? I’m in shock, you know. When Israel was attacked by Iranian drones, everyone rushed to the help of Israel. Why are we not Israel?” And the answer is very simple.

Peter Lavelle: 09:32
But Dima, for the very reasons that Gilbert just said, It’s not about Ukraine. That’s what’s really tragic about it. You know, you know, Gilbert, this, you know, as we are on this program, counterintuitive here, the 61 billion– and it doesn’t really matter the amount. you know, people make the amount the center of the story. It doesn’t really matter– because all this does is that it speeds up the demise of what we know of Ukraine. This is going to speed it up, not slow it down, for the very reason that there’s no strategic plan that this money is going to forward. And that’s the tragedy of it all. We’re going to see massive casualties. And this equipment, as Dima has pointed out, is that a lot of it probably hasn’t even been made yet. So, I mean, this is really kind of unicorn stuff. Gilbert.

Gilbert Doctorow: 10:31
Well, on both sides, both on the Russian side and on the American side and allied side, there is a feeling that the coming months will be decisive. This act, if Congress, which Biden successfully, remarkably got through over the opposition of Trump, that is–

Peter Lavelle:
Well, that’s that’s a little unclear, Gilbert. I mean, he, you know, Mike Johnson went to Mar-a-Lago, they did the photo op. I mean, I think Trump totally, totally fumbled this one. And for a public relations point of view. Go ahead.

Gilbert Doctorow: 11:06
Yeah. Well, I think that the coming months are decisive for Biden in his re-election campaign, and this is a holding action. Whether it will hold or not remains to be seen. It is understood the same way by the Russians, that they have a period before them of several months to conclusively knock out Ukraine before this thing really goes off in a wild direction. So, I think we have to sit back, watch this closely, and see where it’s going. It could go into World War III very easily. It could also end in a capitulation by Ukraine very easily, for all the reasons that have been discussed.

They’re out of men, it’s not just out of munitions. And to speak about a Russian advantage of 5 to 1 or 7 to 1 in artillery shells, they’re speaking about that as if it were a new development coming from the failure of the allies to deliver munitions to Ukraine. That’s rubbish. It’s been 7 to 10 to 1 since February of 2022. So for the reading public who has been asleep for the last two years, this is news. For the rest of us, it’s not news at all. And you have to look for what spells the difference. The difference is they’re out of men, not out of munitions. And the men that they’re throwing in are unprepared.

12:36
Everything, virtually everything that the Ukrainians say about the Russian army is simply a reversal of facts. They’re describing themselves. And they’re putting up untrained men and the rest, and mobilization, all these lies are a description of their own situation.

Peter Lavelle:
All right. Gilbert, I have to jump in here. We’re going to go to a short break, gentlemen, and after that short break, we’ll continue our discussion on some real news. Stay with RT.

13:11
Welcome back to Crosstalk Bullhorns. I’m Peter Lavelle. To remind you, we’re discussing some real news. Dima, on the theme, going back about the appropriation of the $61 billion, which of course, depending on how you count it, I mean, some people pointed out 8 billion of it will be in cash, which I guess we all know what will happen to that very quickly, okay? Corruption in Ukraine has only gotten worse, it’s not gotten better, unfortunately. For the people of Ukraine, for the people that actually want their pension and all that, I don’t see why the United States taxpayer should pay another country’s pensions, maybe a topic of another program.

But one could be much more cynical. This is one big wet kiss goodbye. They’re washing their hands of it, because that’s going to need– that 61 billion will go up in smoke, quite literally, depending on how you want to interpret it. It’s not going to make a difference on the battlefield, as we’ve already discussed on this program. So this was just kind of a feel-good vote, remarkably– and maybe one of you or both of you want to address this– why give Biden a win in an election year like this? I’m simply mystified by it. Dima?

Dmitry Babich: 14:24
Well, let’s look at the figures. 46 billion of that amount, 61, is going to be spent on arms. The remaining, I guess, 15 billion is going to be spent on Ukraine. And as you rightly said, part of it will be in cash, and it is supposed to compensate the pensioners. Well, it’s very easy for the Ukrainian government to steal that money. And during the debate in the Senate, a few senators like J.D. Vance and others, they raised it. They said, “Look, you said it was one of the most corrupt countries in the world. How come we’re sending them our money?” you know. As for the battleground, the goals, the aims that Zelensky and his masters are setting themselves are just not realistic, you know.

15:12
To take back Crimea, there are 2.7 million people living in Crimea, you know? It has been a part of Russian Empire since 1783. The huge majority of the people there do not want, under any circumstances, to go back to Ukraine, you know. When American media was a little bit more honest in the 90s, look at the articles by Celestine Bohlen in the New York Times, by Steve Erlanger. They all wrote that Russians make up a huge majority in Crimea; they’re not happy with the Ukrainian government. Then they were not happy. Now they’re even more unhappy, because they get bombarded every day.

15:52
So when you have unrealistic goals, you can’t win, you know. And what’s going on smacks of a “meat for arms” deal, you know. The Congress, you know, the Congress passed this bill when? After Zelensky announced a new mobilization, 250,000 men will have to go to the army, that means to the front. And, you know, this terrible thing, the Ukrainian government is now requiring Ukrainians living abroad to come to the consular offices and sign up, you know, clear out their situation, their relationship with the army. Otherwise, they will not renew their passports. And all these millions of men will become illegals in Poland, in Germany.

Peter Lavelle: 16:39
Maybe Gilbert knows this, but that’s in contravention to EU laws, okay? I mean, these people are conscientiously opposing this conflict, but that’s neither here nor there. Gilbert, what bothers me and is what we’ve seen over the last few months, particularly if we want to consider the implications of the attack on the concert hall in St. Petersburg, it seems the U.S., because they’re the ones that are calling the shots here, they want to rely more and more on terrorism, which of course is something that the Russians will react to very, very strongly, obviously. So the asymmetricalness of it is becoming more and more obvious. Are you worried about that escalating?

Gilbert Doctorow: 17:24
I think it’s difficult to contain entirely state-sponsored terrorism. So the possibility of some sort of tragedy ahead cannot be excluded entirely. Nonetheless, the result of this appropriation and the continuation of the work, and particularly the result of Ukrainian anticipated use of the longer-range missiles to attack civilian targets in Russia, will be a further aggravation and a further intensification of what we have seen for the last two months, when Russia finally has been staging attacks on the generating plants, not on substations, to destroy the infrastructure of electricity in Ukraine and to target particularly the areas from which the most vicious attacks on civilians in the Belgorod region of Russia have been staged, and that is to take over, essentially, Ukraine’s second largest city, Kharkiv.

18:42
And that, the exodus from Kharkiv, that has been shown on television, is going to continue and is going to become still greater. So I can see as one of the unexpected results of what is going on is a further extension of Russkiy Mir in Western Europe. I live in Brussels and I can tell you right now sometimes I wonder if I’m in Moscow. Because all I hear around me is Russian speech, and this is from the so-called Ukrainians who are now among us. That is a fact of life that I see and I don’t believe that there will be any return to Ukraine of those whom I now see around me in Brussels, but I’m sure you also see in Paris and Berlin and other cities.

Peter Lavelle: 19:29
Well, Gilbert, I mean, if you’re a young Ukrainian woman and you have a child and that child is already speaking or learning German or learning Polish or, you know, French, the likelihood of returning home to a devastated country is close to zero. Dima, very shortly, President Volodymyr Zelensky will no longer be the legal president of Ukraine. I thought it was quite interesting listening to the floor speeches about democracy versus authoritarianism, but Zelensky will be an unelected, I don’t know, whatever term you want– viceroy, dictator, strongman– there will be no legal legitimacy behind him maintaining power.

Dmitry Babich: 20:18
Well, I think that brings us back to this desperate question from Zelensky. “Why am I not Israel, why is Ukraine not a big Israel?” Because you are an unelected military dictator, and you have a dreadful security service, you know. Tucker Carlson just visited Ukraine, and when he came back to the United States, he said he heard the word SBU around himself all the time. SBU is the Ukrainian security s ervice, which people really fear. I mean, they fear it a lot more than Soviet KGB, you know, and certainly more than FSB here. So, the fact that he is not elected is just the smallest of his sins. In reality, of course, people did not support his actions, which led to this tragedy in the first place. It could be avoided 100 times before it started on February 24th, 2022.

Peter Lavelle: 21:21
You know, Gilbert, looking at some of the Western media coverage, most of it’s quite laughable and obviously tragic, because so many young men, particularly Ukrainian men, continue to die. But there’s the new mantra, I mean it’s being introduced, is that “Putin wants results by Victory Day”, by May 9th, you know. And I just kind of just roll my eyes. I mean, if there’s been any– if this military campaign, the “Special Military Operation”, as it was initially called, has no timelines at all. Haven’t they learned that by now. that– and maybe the tail end of that is that the big Russian offensive that’s coming, I don’t see that either. I think that they see what they’re doing is working, maybe not as fast as any of us would like, but it is working. That’s why they needed the $61 billion. Gilbert.

Gilbert Doctorow: 22:17
All of our whiz kids who are in Washington, and in Berlin, and in London, have the same failure to think outside the box. They project onto Russia what their own military campaign would look like, and then they draw conclusions that Russia fails here and there, because it hasn’t done what they expect.

Peter Lavelle:
Like the shock and awe, shock and awe. Why isn’t Russia using shock and awe?

Gilbert Doctorow:
So that’s where we began in February 2022, and that’s where we are today. They simply refuse to learn that there are other ways to wage a war, and there are other concepts of war-making than their own. And the Russian concept goes back, it wasn’t invented here, it goes back to Clausewitz, where military action is a projection, it’s a continuation and a handmaiden of diplomacy. So this is not appreciated. Diplomacy has gone by the boards in the United States and Western Europe, and they just cannot see. It’s really an intellectual, conceptual failure, to understand, that people can do things differently and have a different set of objectives. And that’s where we are today.

Peter Lavelle: 23:27
You know, Dima, eventually all conflicts come to an end, and in all conflicts there’s an element of diplomacy at the very end. What initiative has the West given Russia to engage in diplomacy, since the West has rejected it completely?

Dmitry Babich:
Well, I would look at it in a wider frame. What conflict have the United States and the EU ended since the EU in its present form sprang up in 1992? Not a single one. They tried in Cuba. It didn’t work. All the other wars were made by them, you know. They widened smaller conflict into big ones, like the protests in Syria, thanks to them, grew into a civil war. And we have many examples. But I would like to quote Senator Thomas Tuberville here. Speaking against this bill at the Senate, he said, “We need to work with Ukraine and Russia to end all this.” And then he added, “But that is called diplomacy. That’s not going to come from us.”

24:34
Unfortunately, I’m afraid he was right. Because working with Ukraine and Russia’s policy. Tell me, when it was the last time when the United States and the EU would work with both sides of the book. They always just supported one side. In Syria, in Libya, everywhere.

Peter Lavelle: 24:56
Well, you know, Gilbert, we’re rapidly running out of time, but Secretary Blinken went to China and scolded them for backing Russia in whatever form that he claims; there’s not a lot of evidence. But what I find really interesting when you see the Secretary saying, lecturing another country about helping another country in a conflict, well, what is the West doing with Ukraine? I mean, they don’t see the symmetry. These people have no sense of self– they can’t see how the other side would see the same problem, Gilbert.

Gilbert Doctorow:
Well, the other side simply cannot be right. There’s one way to do it, and that’s our way.

Peter Lavelle:
That’s right.

Gilbert Doctorow:
We have allies, but you don’t have any allies. You cannot have allies, by definition. You’re an axis of evil or whatever. And so there is this mental failure to put things together.

Peter Lavelle: 25:51
Yeah, well, I mean, the great Stephen Cohen, probably one of the greatest Russianists there ever was, he said during the Cold War “We needed to be in the other guy’s shoes to be able to see what’s going on.” That there’s an inability of doing that. And I think Dima is ultimately right. It’s very ideological. We have in all around the world, it’s the West that is ideological. Most the world wants practical results, and that usually happens in history when you’re practical.

All right gentlemen, that’s all the time we have. I want to thank my guests in St. Petersburg and here in Moscow. And of course I want to thank our viewers for watching us here on RT.

26:29
See you next time; and remember, Crosstalk rules.

Travel notes, St Petersburg, April-May 2024: first installment

My mention in my last essay of using the Estonian route to St Petersburg now that the Finnish border crossings are temporarily or, more likely, permanently closed, elicited several expressions of interest from readers, some of whom also may be looking for new ways to access Russia from Europe.

In past travel notes, I devoted some attention to the peculiarities of the political situation in Estonia where the Prime Minister and her government are among the most vicious Russophobes on the Continent and biggest cheerleaders for NATO expansion, to the outskirts of Moscow if they had their way.  At the same time, their capital, Tallinn, has a substantial Russian-speaking population. I have in mind permanent residents, not tourists passing through. You see and hear them not only in the pedestrian zones of historic Tallinn but also in the shopping malls at the city outskirts.  When we took the Tallink ferry from Helsinki to Tallinn a week ago many if not most of the passengers, particularly the younger ones, were Russian speakers who seemed very much at home.

Considering the anti-Russian policies and propaganda of the government, you may wonder why Russians come and why Russian speakers stay in Estonia.

Allow me to venture a guess based on what I saw as a bus traveler going from Tallinn to St  Petersburg when I looked up from the movie screen in front of my seat and looked out the window. There is no denying that the farmsteads and little settlements on the Estonian territory along this west-east route are in better condition and more prosperous than the little wooden houses, some dilapidated, that line the road on first 100 km inside the Russian territory.  As you move further east in Russia, the houses show prosperity, but they are already the country residences of Petersburgers, not the indigenous population.  And, of course, when you approach Petersburg itself, the dynamism of the city is evident in world class infrastructure including some remarkable bridges and arterial highways.

My point is that Russian speakers in Estonia may well appreciate that they are living in a country with higher living standards for the lower strata of society than in neighboring Russia.

In this essay, I intend to add some realism as regards foreigners’ dealings with the authorities, beginning with the first obligation of anyone arriving here for more than eight business days: registration with the communal offices.

This is something that Western experts who have official Russian hosts have not faced, since the hosts take care of it all, very discreetly. The same is true for tourists on short visits: the registration is performed by the front desk staff of the hotels they stay in. But for all others, and that includes myself traveling on a visit to relatives, one is obliged to visit the nearest government office performing registration of foreigners and fill out 4-page registration forms that are very demanding. Filling out the papers by hand can be maddening, because any error you make sends you back to point zero, told to start afresh.  And filling the form out on your computer using a downloaded form comes up against the Russian bureaucrats’ making little changes here or there in the form at least once a year without warning, which may well invalidate the now outdated form you are using.

In this essay I may disappoint readers who would like to believe that Moscow is the New Rome and that Russia is a very desirable place to live compared to the West which seems to have entered into moral degeneracy and terminal decline.

This turn of mind is now rather fashionable ever since Tucker Carlson in several video reports following his interview with Vladimir Putin, took his audience on a walking tour of Russian supermarkets and debunked all notions that Russians are suffering from the effects of Western sanctions. What he showed was a cornucopia, he demonstrated that Russians are ‘spoiled for choice’ in their diet, as the Brits would say.

Meanwhile, Carlson’s filmed visit to the Moscow subway showed that Russian public services are world leaders and not decrepit, as the liars among our government leaders and captive press in the West would have us believe.

However, Carlson had neither the time, nor the background knowledge to pick up nuances that go beyond the presence of Snickers in food stores or the quality and price of fruit and vegetables on sale in Moscow. I intend to present a more balanced view of how Russia and Russians are faring now in this third year of the Ukraine war.

As it turns out, precisely the food supply and pricing is the most positive feature of everyday life. It has not only held steady but is visibly improving in ways that both average workaday Russians and the wives of better-paid corporate managers can see and feel.  The government claims that, overall, 2023 was a year that saw real wages rise 5% across the country. Judging by what the supermarkets are stocking, there is every reason to believe that consumer spending is ticking up, not just on essentials but on extravagances that brighten daily lives.

As recently as a year ago, when I sought to prepare a festive meal to treat visiting friends, I had to travel to the Petersburg central district from my outlying borough of Pushkin, 15 km away. Today, there is absolutely no need to go further than several hundred meters from my apartment building on foot to pick up delicacies that exceed even the high expectations of your typical Russian guest.

New specialty stores have opened in my neighborhood, which is populated not only by corporate managers but also by folks of modest means, including a large contingent of military families.  Pushkin is home to a number to Ministry of Defense institutes, always has been going back to tsarist times. It also is a training center for military personnel sent here by ‘friendly countries.’ And so I am not surprised to see several blacks in their home country uniforms doing shopping in my Economy supermarket.

Regarding the new retailers, I think in particular of “Caviar and Fish,” whose product offering I will mention in a minute. Then there is the local branch of a Belarus food products chain that offers very good hard cheeses and dairy products. And further afield, 2 km away in the ‘downtown’ of Pushkin, a branch of the Bouchet bakeries has opened, offering for sale very authentic jumbo croissants, fruit pies and cream-filled cakes of every variety.

Changes even have come to the long-existing Economy class supermarket across the road from my apartment, Verny, which now offers some high value yet affordably priced items that Russian consumers adore. The most exceptional of these is premium, tender smoked white fish from Lake Ladoga, vacuum packed in 200g portions. This maslyanaya ryba (literally ‘butter fish’) is a favorite of Petersburgers. For years, our friends traveled across the border to Finland to buy this and similar smoked fish delicacies. Let the Finns weep over their lost trade while they build their border wall now.

The ‘ Caviar and Fish’ shop opened at some time in the past 7 months when I was unable to visit Petersburg. It is also part of a retail chain in Petersburg and the Leningrad Oblast.  The product range is limited and focused on what you simply cannot find elsewhere, not here and certainly not in Belgium: fresh, unpasteurized red salmon (gorbusha or keta) caviar in plastic containers of 125 grams flown in from Kamchatka in the Russian Far East and priced from 7.50 to 9.50 per pack. Then there is an assortment of black caviar offerings from various members of the sturgeon family, ranging from the enormous Beluga native to the Caspian down to the trout-sized sterlet that used to abound in West European and  British rivers once upon  a time and was the fish of royalty. The black caviar comes in glass containers of as little as 50 grams and is of two very different types:  fish-farmed or wild.  The wild version is 40% more expensive than the farmed fish caviar, but the difference between the two is day and night.

 Except for plutocrats in the West, few of us venture to explore the difference.  In Russia, even folks who watch their budgets will do the taste test to celebrate some memorable anniversary with the right kind of caviar.

In Belgium, in Israel, in France, in Italy, in Russia and surely in many other countries, during the winter holiday season shops and restaurants feature the locally raised sturgeon caviar for a touch of extravagance. Given the tiny amount in sampler glass containers, you do not feel the hefty price per kg and may splurge on what is, from my experience, close to tasteless. By contrast, real wild Beluga is sensual and rich in taste.

This new wild sturgeon caviar in “Caviar and Fish” will cost you between 35 and 50 euros for 50 grams, but you and the person you choose to treat will have no regrets. This takes you back in time to the heyday of Soviet Russia, when many things in public life may have been fairly awful but when the luxury dining pleasures available to select offspring of the proletariat and their foreign guests were extraordinary.

Of course, there are also down to earth gastronomic pleasures that everyone here can and does indulge, none more so than the seasonal little fish called koryushka that is caught on its way from Lake Ladoga to the Gulf of Finland to spawn in the period following the break-up of ice on the lake and river.  Now is the time, and a plate full of freshly fried koryushka is a must for visitors to the city in the coming several weeks. At the market, these fish sell for about 7 euros per kg in the best size category.

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Setting a lavish table for guests is a tradition deeply embedded in the culture here. But the other side of the coin is lavish gifts from guests to host.

In anticipation of reader comments that I am describing the way of life of the wealthy, I point out that our guests are from the intelligentsia stratum of society that never was nor is today well paid or well pensioned. One of our guests is a semi-retired journalist, editor of a publication of the Union of Journalists and part-time professor in a Moscow School of Continuing Education. Another guest is a retired engineer-designer of modules for civilian-purposed rockets, whose pension is above average only because he is a blokadnik, meaning a survivor of the Great Siege of Leningrad in WWII.

The lavish gifts to one’s host may take the form of the bottle of 15 year old fine Georgian brandy (konyak) that our Moscow friend brought us a couple of days ago.  But it always takes the form of a bouquet of flowers for the lady of the house. And to ensure that no visitor comes empty handed even in our outlying borough, in our residential neighborhood there is a 24-hour florist just a 5 minute walk away from our house.  Indeed, our guests brought roses to our home banquet.

Sanctions or no sanctions, the Dutch flower trade continues to function in Russia very well.  Amsterdam is the source for most everything you see in shops. Since the price for flowers was always very high here, the additional costs of getting payments to the supplier while circumventing the SWIFT blockade are passed along to consumers without problems.  I was delighted to pick up some very fresh tulips the other day, paying 10 euros for 8 flowers, which is a premium of just 20% above what I pay for the same in Brussels.

Prices above Western levels almost never apply to foodstuffs, which, as Tucker Carlson correctly pointed out, are generally several times (not percent, but times) below supermarket prices in Western Europe on an apples for apples basis.

However, let us not pretend that there are no negative sides to the sanctions for the Russian consumer. This comes into view when you redirect your attention to computers, smart phones, home electronics, white goods and similar. Suffice it to say here that most well known global (Western) brands have been sold off since the Special Military Operation began and have not been replaced.  What you see instead, on the computer Notebook or Laptop shelves are what we would call ‘no-names’ or Brand X coming from China’s producers for their domestic market.  And if you find an Asus or Acer, then, as I heard from the salesman in our local branch of a nationwide electronics chain, they cannot sell you Microsoft Office software. Why not?  Probably this is due to orders from the manufacturer.  This does not mean that you will not have Office on your computer, but you will be buying a pirated version and Microsoft may cause you many headaches when they detect it, as they surely will. I know from personal experience.

I say this as a ‘down payment’ on my next installment of travel notes.

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Before closing, I wish to share with you our experience of what makes Russia, and in particular St Petersburg, the unique cultural center in the world that it is, and the decisive reason why I keep coming back year after year.

As I said above, many of our long time friends in the city are card carrying members of the Russian intelligentsia. That makes them interesting personalities by definition. Politically it makes them nearly all “Westernizers” or “Liberals” by definition.  But in this essay, I put politics aside.

Our Tamara arranged for the six of us to visit a “concert” given by a well known performer and teacher of traditional Russian romances in a most extraordinary venue: the musical scores and instruments shop called Severnaya Lira (Northern Lyre) on Nevsky 26, just adjacent to the landmark pre-Revolutionary Singer Building dating from the start of the 20th century that has for decades served as Petersburg’s number one bookseller.

The Northern Lyre has been operating at this address from before I moved to Petersburg in 1994 to work and live. This is the store where we bought a slightly tired but still functional Krasny Oktyabr upright piano that we still keep in our apartment. It is where I bought all my scores for learning to play the cello straight through to the German edition of Bach’s Suites for Unaccompanied Cello.

The store used to be shabby.  It remains shabby. But it is run by a team of young music enthusiasts who apparently stage there the kind of mini-concerts that we saw last night. They only have seats for an audience of ten and the several others who walked in during the concert were standees. There were no suits and ties, no cocktail dresses in this audience of middle aged folks who obviously have some connection or other to the store or to the soloist. There was one kid, a girl about aged 10 with her mother.  In numbers, this concert was perfectly in line with the early 20th century salons where many of the songs were created and first performed. Of course, those salons were necessarily the property of the well-to-do.

Our soloist has a perfectly pitched voice. Not strong but very precise and agreeable to the ears. She was accompanied by a highly regarded and musically very accomplished pianist who is holder of a Russian Federation award. They presented romances drawn mostly from the repertoire of a celebrated Leningrad stage performer who died many, many years ago but is regarded as a very important popularizer of the genre and inspiration for composers of her age.

The store may have the subtitle Noty (Scores), but neither soloist nor accompanist had any scores. They could go on for hours relying solely on memory.  That musical professionalism was always the hallmark of the Mariinsky Theater singers and other Petersburg orchestra members whom we got to know back in the 1990s.

The ”concert” was free of charge. Looking past her through the storefront windows we saw the stream of pedestrians on Nevsky Prospekt who were oblivious to this cultural event. Still further, across the boulevard stands the Kazansky Cathedral, a symbol of this city.

I cannot imagine a concert like this in any other city I know of and it makes Petersburg especially precious.

After the concert we walked our friends a few hundred meters up Nevsky Prospekt through the throngs of pedestrians who, on a pleasant, dry Saturday evening like yesterday come out from the entire city to  this boulevard to see and be seen. So it was in the 1840s, so it is today.

We went to one of our favorite haunts in Petersburg for drinks, the ground floor bar of the Grand Hotel Europe (Gostinitsa Evropeiskaya).  This was the favorite hotel of Petr Ilyich Tchaikovsky, the place where he took a room immediately upon arrival from abroad. It is located just across from the Philharmonic hall (originally the club of Petersburg nobility) and from the so-called Square of the Arts on which the buildings of the Russian Museum and the Maly Opera Theater (originally the Italian Opera) are situated. The ensemble of these streets dates from the 1820s. 

There are many 4 and 5 star hotels in Petersburg today, but there is only one Grand Hotel d’Europe. When we left the hotel to catch the taxi we ordered by phone, former Minister of Culture Mikhail Shvydkoi (2000-2004) arrived by taxi with his wife. Obviously for him as well, this hotel has warm memories.

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Reisenotizen, St. Petersburg, April-Mai 2024: erste Tranche

Meine Erwähnung in meinem letzten Aufsatz, die estnische Route nach St. Petersburg zu nutzen, nachdem die finnischen Grenzübergänge vorübergehend oder, was wahrscheinlicher ist, dauerhaft geschlossen sind, löste mehrere Interessensbekundungen von Lesern aus, von denen einige vielleicht auch nach neuen Wegen suchen, um von Europa aus nach Russland zu gelangen.

In früheren Reiseberichten habe ich mich mit den Besonderheiten der politischen Situation in Estland befasst, wo die Ministerpräsidentin und ihre Regierung zu den größten Russenfeinden des Kontinents gehören und die NATO-Erweiterung bis an den Stadtrand von Moskau vorantreiben würden, wenn es nach ihnen ginge. Gleichzeitig gibt es in Tallinn, der Hauptstadt des Landes, eine große russischsprachige Bevölkerung. Ich denke dabei an die ständigen Einwohner, nicht an Touristen auf der Durchreise. Man sieht und hört sie nicht nur in den Fußgängerzonen des historischen Tallinn, sondern auch in den Einkaufszentren am Stadtrand. Als wir vor einer Woche mit der Tallink-Fähre von Helsinki nach Tallinn fuhren, waren viele, wenn nicht sogar die meisten Passagiere, insbesondere die jüngeren, russischsprachig und schienen sich sehr wohl zu fühlen.

In Anbetracht der antirussischen Politik und Propaganda der Regierung fragen Sie sich vielleicht, warum Russen nach Estland kommen und warum russischsprachige Menschen in Estland bleiben.

Erlauben Sie mir, eine Vermutung zu wagen, die sich auf das stützt, was ich als Busreisender auf der Fahrt von Tallinn nach St. Petersburg gesehen habe, als ich von der Kinoleinwand vor meinem Sitz aufgeblickt und aus dem Fenster geschaut habe. Es lässt sich nicht leugnen, dass die Bauernhöfe und kleinen Siedlungen auf estnischem Gebiet entlang dieser West-Ost-Route in besserem Zustand und wohlhabender sind als die kleinen, teilweise verfallenen Holzhäuser, die die Straße auf den ersten 100 km auf russischem Gebiet säumen. Je weiter man nach Osten in Russland vordringt, desto wohlhabender werden die Häuser, aber das sind bereits die Landhäuser der Petersburger, nicht der örtlichen Bevölkerung. Und wenn man sich Petersburg selbst nähert, zeigt sich die Dynamik der Stadt in einer Infrastruktur von Weltklasse, einschließlich einiger bemerkenswerter Brücken und Fernstraßen.

Ich will damit sagen, dass Russischsprachige in Estland sehr wohl zu schätzen wissen, dass sie in einem Land leben, in dem der Lebensstandard für die unteren Schichten der Gesellschaft höher ist als im benachbarten Russland.

In diesem Aufsatz möchte ich etwas Realismus in Bezug auf den Umgang von Ausländern mit den Behörden einbringen, beginnend mit der ersten Verpflichtung für jeden, der hier länger als acht Arbeitstage bleibt: die Anmeldung bei den Gemeindeämtern.

Westliche Experten, die offizielle russische Gastgeber haben, sind damit nicht konfrontiert, da die Gastgeber alles diskret erledigen. Das Gleiche gilt für Touristen auf Kurzbesuchen: Die Registrierung erfolgt durch das Personal an der Rezeption der Hotels, in denen sie übernachten. Für alle anderen, also auch für mich, der ich zu Verwandten reise, muss man das nächstgelegene Ausländeramt aufsuchen und ein vierseitiges Formular ausfüllen, das sehr anspruchsvoll ist. Das Ausfüllen der Papiere von Hand kann sehr mühsam sein, denn bei jedem Fehler muss man wieder bei Null anfangen und wird aufgefordert, von vorne zu beginnen. Und wenn man das Formular am Computer mit Hilfe eines heruntergeladenen Formulars ausfüllt, stößt man darauf, dass die russischen Bürokraten mindestens einmal im Jahr ohne Vorwarnung kleine Änderungen an dem Formular vornehmen, die dazu führen können, dass das von Ihnen verwendete, inzwischen veraltete Formular ungültig wird.

Vielleicht enttäusche ich mit diesem Essay Leser, die gerne glauben würden, dass Moskau das neue Rom ist und dass Russland im Vergleich zum Westen, der moralisch degeneriert und im Niedergang begriffen zu sein scheint, ein sehr lebenswerter Ort ist.

Diese Denkweise ist in Mode gekommen, seit Tucker Carlson in mehreren Videobeiträgen im Anschluss an sein Interview mit Wladimir Putin sein Publikum auf einen Rundgang durch russische Supermärkte mitgenommen und alle Behauptungen widerlegt hat, die Russen würden unter den Auswirkungen der westlichen Sanktionen leiden. Was er zeigte, war ein Füllhorn, er demonstrierte, dass die Russen bei ihrer Ernährung die “Qual der Wahl” haben, wie die Briten sagen würden.

Carlsons gefilmter Besuch in der Moskauer U-Bahn zeigte unterdessen, dass die russischen öffentlichen Dienste weltweit führend sind und nicht, wie uns die Lügner unter unseren Regierungsvertretern und die gefangene Presse im Westen glauben machen wollen, marode.

Carlson hatte jedoch weder die Zeit noch das Hintergrundwissen, um Nuancen zu erkennen, die über das Vorhandensein von Snickers in Lebensmittelgeschäften oder die Qualität und den Preis von Obst und Gemüse, das in Moskau verkauft wird, hinausgehen. Ich beabsichtige, einen ausgewogeneren Blick darauf zu werfen, wie es Russland und den Russen in diesem dritten Jahr des Ukraine-Krieges geht.

Wie sich herausstellt, sind gerade die Lebensmittelversorgung und die Preisgestaltung das positivste Merkmal des täglichen Lebens. Sie ist nicht nur stabil geblieben, sondern verbessert sich zusehends in einer Weise, die sowohl der durchschnittliche russische Arbeiter als auch die Ehefrauen besser bezahlter Unternehmensmanager sehen und spüren können. Die Regierung behauptet, dass die Reallöhne im Jahr 2023 landesweit um 5 % gestiegen sind. Nach den Angeboten in den Supermärkten zu urteilen, gibt es allen Grund zu der Annahme, dass die Verbraucherausgaben steigen, und zwar nicht nur für das Nötigste, sondern auch für Extravaganzen, die das tägliche Leben verschönern.

Noch vor einem Jahr musste ich, wenn ich ein festliches Essen für Freunde zubereiten wollte, von meinem 15 km entfernten Außenbezirk Puschkin in das Petersburger Zentrum fahren. Heute muss ich mich nicht mehr weiter als einige hundert Meter von meinem Wohnhaus entfernen, um Köstlichkeiten zu besorgen, die selbst die hohen Erwartungen des typischen russischen Gastes übertreffen.

In meinem Viertel, das nicht nur von Unternehmensmanagern, sondern auch von Leuten mit bescheidenen Mitteln, darunter viele Militärfamilien, bevölkert wird, haben neue Fachgeschäfte eröffnet. Puschkin beherbergt eine Reihe von Instituten des Verteidigungsministeriums, die bis in die Zarenzeit zurückreichen. Es ist auch ein Ausbildungszentrum für Militärpersonal, das von “befreundeten Ländern” hierher geschickt wird. Und so überrascht es mich nicht, dass ich in meinem Economy-Supermarkt mehrere Schwarze in Uniformen ihres Heimatlandes einkaufen sehe.

Bei den neuen Einzelhändlern denke ich vor allem an “Kaviar und Fisch”, dessen Produktangebot ich gleich erwähnen werde. Dann gibt es noch die örtliche Filiale einer weißrussischen Lebensmittelkette, die sehr guten Hartkäse und Molkereiprodukte anbietet. Und weiter weg, 2 km entfernt im “Stadtzentrum” von Puschkin, hat eine Filiale der Bäckerei Bouchet eröffnet, die sehr authentische Jumbo-Croissants, Obstkuchen und mit Sahne gefüllte Torten aller Art zum Verkauf anbietet.

Sogar in dem seit langem bestehenden Economy-Class-Supermarkt gegenüber meiner Wohnung, Verny, hat sich etwas getan: Er bietet jetzt einige hochwertige, aber dennoch erschwingliche Artikel an, die bei den russischen Verbrauchern sehr beliebt sind. Das außergewöhnlichste Produkt ist der hochwertige, zart geräucherte Weißfisch aus dem Ladogasee, vakuumverpackt in 200-g-Portionen. Dieser maslyanaya ryba (wörtlich “Butterfisch”) ist bei den Petersburgern sehr beliebt. Jahrelang sind unsere Freunde über die Grenze nach Finnland gereist, um diese und ähnliche geräucherte Fischdelikatessen zu kaufen. Sollen die Finnen doch über ihren verlorenen Handel weinen, während sie jetzt ihre Grenzmauer bauen.

Das Geschäft “Kaviar und Fisch” wurde irgendwann in den letzten 7 Monaten eröffnet, als ich nicht in der Lage war, Petersburg zu besuchen. Es ist auch Teil einer Einzelhandelskette in Petersburg und dem Gebiet Leningrad. Die Produktpalette ist begrenzt und konzentriert sich auf das, was man nirgendwo anders findet, nicht hier und schon gar nicht in Belgien: frischer, unpasteurisierter Rotlachs- (Gorbuscha- oder Keta-) Kaviar in Plastikbehältern von 125 Gramm, die aus Kamtschatka im russischen Fernen Osten eingeflogen werden und zwischen 7,50 und 9,50 pro Packung kosten. Dann gibt es eine Auswahl an schwarzem Kaviar von verschiedenen Mitgliedern der Störfamilie, vom riesigen Beluga aus dem Kaspischen Meer bis hin zum forellengroßen Sterlet, der früher in westeuropäischen und britischen Flüssen vorkam und der Fisch der Könige war. Der schwarze Kaviar wird in Glasbehältern mit einem Gewicht von nur 50 Gramm geliefert und ist in zwei verschiedenen Varianten erhältlich: aus Fischfarmen oder wild. Die wilde Variante ist 40 % teurer als der Zuchtfischkaviar, aber der Unterschied zwischen beiden ist wie Tag und Nacht.

Außer den Plutokraten im Westen wagen es nur wenige von uns, den Unterschied zu erkunden. In Russland machen sogar Leute, die auf ihr Budget achten, den Geschmackstest, um ein denkwürdiges Jubiläum mit der richtigen Sorte Kaviar zu feiern.

In Belgien, Israel, Frankreich, Italien, Russland und sicherlich auch in vielen anderen Ländern bieten Geschäfte und Restaurants in der Wintersaison den vor Ort gezüchteten Störkaviar an, um einen Hauch von Extravaganz zu vermitteln. In Anbetracht der winzigen Mengen, die in Probiergläsern angeboten werden, spürt man den hohen Kilopreis nicht und gibt sich mit einem Produkt zufrieden, das nach meiner Erfahrung fast geschmacklos ist. Der echte wilde Beluga ist dagegen sinnlich und reich an Geschmack.

Dieser neue wilde Störkaviar in “Caviar and Fish” kostet zwischen 35 und 50 Euro für 50 Gramm, aber Sie und die Person, die Sie damit verwöhnen wollen, werden es nicht bereuen. Sie werden in die Blütezeit des sowjetischen Russlands zurückversetzt, als viele Dinge des öffentlichen Lebens vielleicht ziemlich schrecklich waren, aber die luxuriösen Essensgenüsse, die ausgewählten Nachkommen des Proletariats und ihren ausländischen Gästen zur Verfügung standen, waren außergewöhnlich.

Natürlich gibt es auch bodenständige gastronomische Genüsse, denen jeder hier frönen kann und dies auch tut, vor allem der kleine Fisch namens Korjuschka, der in der Zeit nach dem Eisbruch auf See und Fluss auf seinem Weg vom Ladogasee zum Finnischen Meerbusen zum Laichen gefangen wird. Jetzt ist die Zeit gekommen, und ein Teller voll frisch gebratener Koryushka ist in den kommenden Wochen ein Muss für Besucher der Stadt. Auf dem Markt werden diese Fische in der besten Größenklasse für etwa 7 Euro pro kg verkauft.

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Ein reich gedeckter Tisch für Gäste ist eine Tradition, die tief in der hiesigen Kultur verwurzelt ist. Aber die Kehrseite der Medaille sind großzügige Geschenke der Gäste an die Gastgeber.

In Erwartung von Leserkommentaren, dass ich die Lebensweise der Wohlhabenden beschreibe, weise ich darauf hin, dass unsere Gäste aus der gesellschaftlichen Schicht der Intelligentsia kommen, die noch nie gut bezahlt oder mit guten Pensionen ausgestattet war und es auch heute nicht ist. Einer unserer Gäste ist ein Journalist im Halbruhestand, Redakteur einer Publikation des Journalistenverbandes und Teilzeitprofessor an einer Moskauer Schule für Fortbildung. Ein anderer Gast ist ein pensionierter Ingenieur, der Module für zivile Raketen entwickelt, dessen Rente nur deshalb überdurchschnittlich hoch ist, weil er ein blokadnik ist, d.h. ein Überlebender der Großen Belagerung von Leningrad im Zweiten Weltkrieg.

Die großzügigen Geschenke an den Gastgeber können die Form einer Flasche 15 Jahre alten georgischen Edelbranntweins (Konyak) annehmen, die uns unser Moskauer Freund vor ein paar Tagen mitgebracht hat. Aber es ist immer auch ein Blumenstrauß für die Dame des Hauses dabei. Und damit auch in unserem abgelegenen Stadtteil kein Besucher mit leeren Händen kommt, gibt es in unserem Wohnviertel einen 24-Stunden-Floristen, der nur 5 Minuten zu Fuß von unserem Haus entfernt ist. Unsere Gäste brachten sogar Rosen zu unserem Hausbankett mit.

Sanktionen hin oder her, der niederländische Blumenhandel funktioniert in Russland weiterhin sehr gut. Amsterdam ist die Quelle für fast alles, was Sie in den Geschäften sehen. Da die Preise für Blumen hier schon immer sehr hoch waren, werden die zusätzlichen Kosten für die Weiterleitung der Zahlungen an die Lieferanten unter Umgehung der SWIFT-Blockade ohne Probleme an die Verbraucher weitergegeben. Ich war erfreut, als ich neulich einige sehr frische Tulpen kaufen konnte und 10 Euro für 8 Blumen bezahlt habe, was einen Aufschlag von nur 20 % gegenüber dem Preis in Brüssel bedeutet.

Preise, die über dem westlichen Niveau liegen, gelten fast nie für Lebensmittel, die, wie Tucker Carlson richtig festgestellt hat, im Allgemeinen um ein Vielfaches (nicht um ein Prozent, sondern um ein Vielfaches) unter den Supermarktpreisen in Westeuropa liegen, wenn man Äpfel mit Äpfeln vergleicht.

Wir sollten jedoch nicht so tun, als hätten die Sanktionen für den russischen Verbraucher keine negativen Seiten. Dies wird deutlich, wenn man seine Aufmerksamkeit auf Computer, Smartphones, Heimelektronik, Haushaltsgeräte und Ähnliches lenkt. Hier genügt es zu sagen, dass die meisten bekannten globalen (westlichen) Marken seit Beginn der militärischen Sonderoperation verschwunden und nicht wieder aufgetaucht sind. Was Sie stattdessen in den Regalen für Computer-Notebooks oder Laptops sehen, würden wir als “No-Names” oder Marke X bezeichnen, die von chinesischen Herstellern für den heimischen Markt hergestellt werden. Und wenn Sie einen Asus oder Acer finden, dann bekommen Sie, wie ich von dem Verkäufer in unserer örtlichen Filiale einer landesweiten Elektronikkette gehört habe, keine Microsoft Office-Software. Und warum nicht? Wahrscheinlich liegt das an den Anweisungen des Herstellers. Das bedeutet nicht, dass Sie kein Office auf Ihrem Computer haben werden, aber Sie werden eine Raubkopie kaufen, und Microsoft kann Ihnen viel Kopfzerbrechen bereiten, wenn sie das merken, was sie sicherlich tun werden. Ich weiß das aus eigener Erfahrung.

Ich sage dies als “Anzahlung” für meine nächste Folge von Reisenotizen.

                                                                               *****

Bevor ich schließe, möchte ich mit Ihnen unsere Erfahrungen darüber teilen, was Russland und insbesondere St. Petersburg zu dem einzigartigen Kulturzentrum in der Welt macht, und was der entscheidende Grund dafür ist, dass ich Jahr für Jahr wiederkomme.

Wie ich bereits sagte, sind viele unserer langjährigen Freunde in der Stadt überzeugte Mitglieder der russischen Intelligenzia. Das macht sie per Definition zu interessanten Persönlichkeiten. Politisch gesehen sind sie fast alle per definitionem “Verwestlichte” oder “Liberale”. Aber in diesem Essay lasse ich die Politik beiseite.

Unsere Tamara arrangierte für uns sechs den Besuch eines “Konzerts”, das von einem bekannten Interpreten und Lehrer traditioneller russischer Romanzen an einem außergewöhnlichen Ort gegeben wurde: dem Geschäft für Musiknoten und Instrumente namens Sewernaja Lira (Nördliche Leier) am Newskij 26, gleich neben dem denkmalgeschützten Singer-Gebäude aus der Zeit vor der Revolution, das Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts erbaut wurde und seit Jahrzehnten als Petersburgs führender Buchhändler fungiert.

Die Nördliche Leier gab es an dieser Adresse schon, bevor ich 1994 nach Petersburg zog, um dort zu arbeiten und zu leben. In diesem Geschäft kauften wir ein etwas abgenutztes, aber immer noch funktionstüchtiges Krasny Oktyabr-Klavier, das wir immer noch in unserer Wohnung haben. Hier kaufte ich alle meine Partituren, um Cello spielen zu lernen, bis hin zur deutschen Ausgabe von Bachs Suiten für unbegleitetes Cello.

Der Laden war früher schäbig. Er ist immer noch schäbig. Aber er wird von einem Team junger Musikenthusiasten betrieben, die dort offenbar die Art von Mini-Konzerten veranstalten, die wir gestern Abend gesehen haben. Sie haben nur Plätze für zehn Zuhörer, und die anderen, die während des Konzerts hereinkamen, waren Stehplätze. Es gab keine Anzüge und Krawatten, keine Cocktailkleider in diesem Publikum von Leuten mittleren Alters, die offensichtlich irgendeine Verbindung zu dem Laden oder dem Solisten haben. Es gab ein Kind, ein etwa 10-jähriges Mädchen mit seiner Mutter. Zahlenmäßig passte dieses Konzert perfekt zu den Salons des frühen 20. Jahrhunderts, in denen viele der Lieder entstanden und uraufgeführt wurden. Natürlich waren diese Salons zwangsläufig das Eigentum der Wohlhabenden.

Unsere Solistin hat eine perfekt geführte Stimme. Nicht stark, aber sehr präzise und angenehm für die Ohren. Begleitet wurde sie von einem hoch angesehenen und musikalisch sehr versierten Pianisten, der mit einem Preis der Russischen Föderation ausgezeichnet wurde. Sie präsentierten Romanzen, die größtenteils aus dem Repertoire einer berühmten Leningrader Bühnendarstellerin stammten, die vor vielen, vielen Jahren verstarb, aber als eine sehr wichtige Popularisatorin des Genres und als Inspiration für Komponisten ihrer Zeit gilt.

Der Laden trägt zwar den Untertitel Noty (Partituren), aber weder Solist noch Begleiter hatten Partituren. Sie konnten sich stundenlang allein auf ihr Gedächtnis verlassen. Diese musikalische Professionalität war stets das Markenzeichen der Sänger des Mariinsky-Theaters und anderer Petersburger Orchestermitglieder, die wir in den 1990er Jahren kennen gelernt hatten.

Das “Konzert” war kostenlos. Als wir durch die Schaufenster hinausgeschaut haben, sahen wir den Strom von Fußgängern auf dem Newski-Prospekt, die von diesem kulturellen Ereignis nichts mitbekamen. Noch weiter entfernt, auf der anderen Seite des Boulevards, steht die Kasanski-Kathedrale, ein Wahrzeichen dieser Stadt.

Ich kann mir ein solches Konzert in keiner anderen mir bekannten Stadt vorstellen, und das macht Petersburg besonders wertvoll.

Nach dem Konzert begleiteten wir unsere Freunde ein paar hundert Meter den Newski-Prospekt hinauf durch die Fußgängerscharen, die an einem angenehmen, trockenen Samstagabend wie gestern aus der ganzen Stadt auf diesen Boulevard strömen, um zu sehen und gesehen zu werden. So war es in den 1840er Jahren, so ist es heute.

Wir gingen in eines unserer Lieblingslokale in Petersburg, die Bar im Erdgeschoss des Grand Hotel Europe (Gostinitsa Evropeiskaya), um etwas zu trinken. Dies war das Lieblingshotel von Petr Iljitsch Tschaikowsky, in dem er unmittelbar nach seiner Ankunft aus dem Ausland ein Zimmer nahm. Es befindet sich direkt gegenüber der Philharmonie (ursprünglich ein Klub des Petersburger Adels) und dem so genannten Platz der Künste, auf dem sich die Gebäude des Russischen Museums und des Maly-Operntheaters (ursprünglich die Italienische Oper) befinden. Das Ensemble dieser Straßen stammt aus den 1820er Jahren. Heute gibt es in Petersburg viele 4- und 5-Sterne-Hotels, aber nur noch ein Grand Hotel d’Europe. Als wir das Hotel verließen, um das telefonisch bestellte Taxi zu nehmen, kam der ehemalige Kulturminister Mikhail Shvydkoi (2000-2004) mit seiner Frau im Taxi an. Offensichtlich ist dieses Hotel auch für ihn mit warmen Erinnerungen verbunden.

Travel is fun! The long route to St Petersburg

Dear readers,

In a couple of hours, I set out on the long route to St Petersburg.

Pre-Covid shut-down of intra European air travel,  pre-Special Military Operation sanctions, the journey from Brussels was accomplished by direct flight, Zaventem airport to Pulkovo airport in a little over two and a half hours. With the advent of the New Cold War, the latest and cheapest travel variant entails three forms of public transportation: air, sea and passenger bus and, all in all, takes 18 hours.

I will now fly to Helsinki, then take the sea ferry to Tallinn, arriving late and spending the night. The next morning there is a 7-hour bus ride to Russia’s Northern Capital. Several months ago a finishing touch was added to this last part of the journey when the Russians closed their border crossing to buses coming from/golng to the Estonian side, allegedly for months-long renovation of the facility, and now the happy travelers make the 750 meter crossing by foot through no-man’s land, mostly on a bridge over the Narva river.  Once reaching the other side there is a different bus provided by Estonian or Russian companies for the remainder of the journey.The effect is to accentuate the physical barrier separating two civilizations. Rain, snow, as we expect tomorrow, makes no difference to those on this new form of Compostela pilgrimage.

The harsh worsening of travel conditions that I have just described pertains to Europeans, for whom Russia was always just a short flight away.  Travelers from the USA and Rest of the World are less penalized, since overall travel time and expense for visitors crossing one or another ocean to get to Russia does not change much when you transit via Istanbul or Dubai.

So be it.

I will be spending close to three weeks in Petersburg, returning home shortly after the 9th of May Victory in Europe celebrations which are a very important part of the Russian calendar of public events.  Perhaps there will be an iteration of the March of the Immortal Regiment down Nevsky Prospekt that in recent years I found to be a wonderful opportunity to study the demos. Perhaps the march will be cancelled for security reasons in this period of heightened Ukrainian directed terrorism.  In any case, there will be a post-parade celebratory dinner with friends that provides another temperature reading on the public mood in this third year of ever widening and intensifying war.

As usual on my visits, I will also spend time out on the street checking supermarkets and farmers’markets to do an offhand measure of inflation and supply of consumables.

Stay tuned!

©Gilbert Doctorow, 2024

Translation below into German (Andreas Mylaeus)

Reisen macht Spaß! Der lange Weg nach St. Petersburg

Liebe Leserinnen und Leser,

in ein paar Stunden werde ich mich auf den langen Weg nach St. Petersburg machen.

Vor der Schließung des innereuropäischen Flugverkehrs wegen Covid und vor den Sanktionen im Rahmen der Militäroperation war die Reise von Brüssel aus mit einem Direktflug vom Flughafen Zaventem zum Flughafen Pulkowo in etwas mehr als zweieinhalb Stunden zu bewältigen. Mit dem Beginn des Neuen Kalten Krieges umfasst die neueste und billigste Reisevariante drei öffentliche Verkehrsmittel: Flugzeug, Schiff und Passagierbus und dauert insgesamt 18 Stunden.

Ich fliege jetzt nach Helsinki, nehme dann die Fähre nach Tallinn, komme spät an und übernachte dort. Am nächsten Morgen steht eine 7-stündige Busfahrt in die nördliche Hauptstadt Russlands an. Vor einigen Monaten wurde diesem letzten Teil der Reise noch ein i-Tüpfelchen aufgesetzt, als die Russen ihren Grenzübergang für Busse, die von der estnischen Seite kommen oder dorthin fahren, schlossen, angeblich wegen monatelanger Renovierungsarbeiten an den Anlagen, und nun legen die glücklichen Reisenden den 750 Meter langen Weg zum Grenzübergang durch Niemandsland zurück, meist auf einer Brücke über den Fluss Narva. Auf der anderen Seite angekommen, wird die restliche Strecke mit einem anderen Bus zurückgelegt, der von estnischen oder russischen Unternehmen bereitgestellt wird, um die physische Barriere zwischen zwei Zivilisationen zu verstärken. Ob es regnet oder schneit, wie wir es morgen erwarten, macht für die Teilnehmer an dieser neuen Form der Compostela-Pilgerreise keinen Unterschied.

Die soeben beschriebene drastische Verschlechterung der Reisebedingungen betrifft die Europäer, für die Russland immer nur einen kurzen Flug entfernt war. Reisende aus den USA und dem Rest der Welt sind weniger benachteiligt, da sich die Gesamtreisezeit und die Kosten für Besucher, die den einen oder anderen Ozean überqueren, um nach Russland zu gelangen, nicht wesentlich ändern, wenn sie über Istanbul oder Dubai reisen.

Sei’s drum.

Ich werde fast drei Wochen in Petersburg verbringen und kurz nach den Feierlichkeiten zum 9. Mai, dem Tag des Sieges in Europa, die einen wichtigen Teil des russischen Veranstaltungskalenders ausmachen, nach Hause zurückkehren. Vielleicht wird es eine Wiederholung des Marsches des Unsterblichen Regiments auf dem Newski-Prospekt geben, den ich in den letzten Jahren als eine wunderbare Gelegenheit zum Studium der Demos empfunden habe. Vielleicht wird der Marsch aus Sicherheitsgründen in dieser Zeit des verstärkten ukrainischen Terrorismus abgesagt. Auf jeden Fall wird es im Anschluss an die Parade ein feierliches Abendessen mit Freunden geben, das einen weiteren Aufschluss über die Stimmung in der Bevölkerung in diesem dritten Jahr des sich immer weiter ausbreitenden und intensivierenden Krieges gibt.

Wie bei meinen Besuchen üblich, werde ich auch Zeit auf der Straße verbringen und Supermärkte und Bauernmärkte besuchen, um mit eigenen Augen die Inflation und das Angebot an Konsumgütern zu messen.

Bleiben Sie dran!